In the long-running judicial wars between the Senate and the White House, the first skirmish of the year is flaring into the open this week.
North Carolina Republican Sen. Richard M. Burr apparently is easy to underestimate.
When Bernard Sanders declared his candidacy for the Democratic presidential nomination, he joined a lengthening roster of gadflies who have run in order to push the party to the left.
Its spring, which means Congress is in store for two types of invasions: the parade of Hollywood types for the annual correspondent dinners and thousands of constituents as part of organized fly-ins or lobby days. The first is splayed on the front pages, all glamorous with gowns, tuxedos and red carpets. The second is the invisible drudgery that is composed of the big part of Americas democratic dialogue. Reality is rarely seen in House of Cards, rather, its hidden in the thousands of meetings on Capitol Hill involving tens of thousands of constituents. Its not hidden because of any nefarious conspiracy its just kind of boring, not the stuff of the evening news or a bloggers interest.
Though only a few lawmakers participated in the rallies during Tuesdays oral arguments, more than half the members of Congress had already formalized their views on the same-sex marriage cases before the Supreme Court.
The nation officially has its 83rd attorney general with Loretta Lynch having taken the oath of office Monday morning. But before her five-month nomination odyssey fades into the rearview mirror, its worth noting the pivotal part played by an election 19 months down the road.
If there was ever a sound reason for a congressional leader from one party to plant a kiss on the cheek of a leader from the other side, it was in the Rose Garden last week.
For all her recent efforts to prove her progressive credentials to Democratic primary voters and caucus participants, former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton has not made those on her partys left entirely comfortable with her. And she never will.
The newest Roll Call Clout Index reveals that, even more than before, the largest potential for influence belongs to the states with the most people and therefore the biggest delegations. So its worth paying special attention to the smaller places with lawmaker contingents positioned to punch highest above their weight.
If the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee had its way a decade ago, its current chairman probably wouldnt be in the Senate today.
Four years after lawmakers gave up earmarking, the last of the billions once dedicated to pet projects has effectively been spent, and one result is a changed roster of states laying claim to the most clout in Congress.
Reporters love to write about money in politics, so I shouldnt have been at all surprised by an April 20 Washington Post article suggesting campaign finance is becoming an issue in the presidential contest.
The first time I met Ted Cruz, he argued with me. The second time I met Ted Cruz, he argued with me. It wasnt personal, of course. Ted Cruz simply loves to argue.
Eight years ago, the last time sitting senators launched competing quests for a presidential nomination, each touted their congressional records as evidence they were more the true agent of change than the other one.
If Jeb Bush doesnt win any of the first four GOP contests Iowa, New Hampshire, South Carolina and Nevada does that eliminate him from the Republican race? Or does he have the staying power to survive those losses?
Once upon a time, presidential candidates were expected to have more than passing experience in government, as well as the maturity and wisdom that sometimes come with age. But that has changed, apparently.
Its the first federal bribery indictment of a sitting senator in almost a quarter century, and the defendant is among the most combative and combustible Democrats in the Capitol. So why have Republicans spent the better part of the past two weeks with their hands over their mouths?
The usual way to identify potential House retirements is to pick out the oldest members of each caucus. But that strategy misses an entire crop of potential exits, since the most senior members arent the only ones to call it quits.
Liberal groups have targeted Oregon Sen. Ron Wyden for defeat in next years elections unless he sides with them on upcoming trade deals. But any talk about the four-term Democrats vulnerability is premature until there is a challenger.
The odds have crested the 50-50 threshold for what would surely become one of the years biggest legislative achievements an overhaul of how doctors and other Medicare providers get paid. And the usual encrusted ideological positioning, at both ends of the political spectrum, is no longer the biggest obstacle.
Its not only the seasons most consequential political event, but also a rare local election with a big rooting interest on the Hill. Voters in the nations third-biggest city are deciding next week if they still want to be led by a onetime member of congressional leadership.
The consequence of a congressional stalemate is clearly visible in the nearly 75,000 metric tons of spent radioactive fuel piling up in pools of water and steel casks that rest in the shadows of the nations nuclear power plants.
Senators readying their patience, their reading material and even their bladders for the annual ritual known as the vote-a-rama may rightfully be getting ready to ask, Will it be worth it?
The death last week of Robert W. Kastenmeier, who evolved in the House from a prominent peace crusader into a premier intellectual property protector, is the freshest reminder of an odd truth about the modern Congress.
A veritable bevy of Republican presidential hopefuls have already hired staff, wooed deep-pocketed contributors and made speeches in Iowa and New Hampshire, proving what we already know: The 2016 nomination preseason is well underway.