BIRMINGHAM, Ala. — Roy Moore is nowhere to be found.

The embattled GOP nominee in the Alabama Senate race has not appeared in public since Tuesday. Meanwhile, his opponent, Democrat Doug Jones, has traveled to multiple parts of the state in the weekend leading up to the Dec. 12 special election.

Moore’s absence from the campaign trail means he can avoid questions from reporters (and video of him refusing to answer questions) about multiple allegations of sexual misconduct, including assault, that have dogged his campaign.

Moore was accused of inappropriate advances with women when they were teenagers and he was in his thirties. Moore, the former chief justice of the Alabama Supreme Court, has denied any wrongdoing.

Watch: In Alabama Race, Jones Has Funding, Moore Has Trump, Bannon Support

On Sunday Moore campaign strategist Dean Young did appear on ABC News’ “This Week” on Sunday to discuss the race, and was asked about the allegations.

“We believe Judge Moore has been telling the truth the entire time,” said Young. He called the allegations a “fake narrative.”

Moore campaign officials did appear at an event Friday that was billed as a press conference in Montgomery, to discuss news that one of Moore’s accusers said she had made notes around Moore’s signature in her high school yearbook. They did not take any questions from the press.

Jones has used Moore’s absence to draw a distinction between how he and Moore would conduct themselves as senators.

“What kind of senator hides from his constituencies when he’s running for office?” Jones said to reporters outside his campaign field office in Birmingham on Sunday afternoon. “What kind of public servant hides and goes only into enclaves and doesn’t address the media?”

Jones rallied supporters at a packed field office in downtown Birmingham, along with New Jersey Democratic Sen. Cory Booker and Alabama Democratic Rep. Terri Sewell. Booker also joined Jones on the campaign trail Saturday.

The Moore campaign took a swipe at Jones for bringing in Booker, when asked to respond to Jones’ criticism of Moore’s absence on Sunday.

“Doug Jones has been running around the state with Cory Booker lying about Roy Moore and calling on President [Donald] Trump to resign,” said Moore campaign adviser Brett Doster. (Booker has suggested the president should resign due to sexual harassment allegations, but Jones has not).

“We’ve got our strategy. Doug Jones has his,” Doster said in a text message. “We’ll see which one Alabama likes better on Tuesday.

When asked about what Moore has been doing over the weekend, Doster said he has been making calls.

Moore did not attend services Sunday morning at his home church in Gallant, Alabama, or at a church that members of his family reportedly attend about 12 miles southeast in Rainbow City.

Rev. Tom Brown, who leads Gallant First Baptist, said he was not surprised Moore did not attend the Sunday morning service.

“Would you all show up with this?” Brown said, referencing group of news cameras outside the church. “I wouldn’t show up with this.”

Brown said he had not seen Moore in person since the allegations first published in the Washington Post four weeks ago, but he has spoken with Moore over the phone.

Moore will attend a “Drain the Swamp” rally in the southeast corner of the state Monday night. Former White House adviser Steve Bannon and Texas GOP Rep. Louie Gohmert are also expected to attend.

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Several veteran Democratic lawmakers were flabbergasted last week by 48 hours that were among the wildest so far of Donald Trump’s presidency. And in private conversations, they say many of their Republican colleagues share similar concerns.

Trump appears to embrace a certain amount of chaos. After all, it generates media coverage — and the president is a voracious consumer of cable television and print news. But the 48 hours between last Tuesday and Thursday caused a spike in concerns among longtime Democratic members about Trump’s mindset and competence.

“This is a continued display of unstable behavior and a continued display of tweets that cannot help America’s security,” Senate Minority Whip Richard J. Durbin said.

Like Durbin, most members interviewed for this story seized on Trump’s retweets of several anti-Muslim videos that either misrepresented the facts or were posted without context.

Among them was Sen. Claire McCaskill, who said she was “very concerned about our international standing when he retweets something that is that offensive and that fringe.”

“It may play to a small percentage of Americans, but around the world, for us to stay safe, we have to have allies,” the Missouri Democrat said. “And when you have the prime minister [of the United Kingdom], who is the leader of the Conservative Party in Great Britain, calling out the president of the United States. That’s just a bridge too far.”

[Trump: FBI ‘Destroyed’ Flynn’s Life, But Let Hillary Walk]

Sen. Richard Blumenthal said Trump’s actions called into question his leadership capabilities.

“The tweets of the right-wing videos was absolutely unconscionable,” the Connecticut Democrat said. “My concerns are growing with every one of these bizarre and bullying tweets.”

The presidential dramatics began the morning of Nov. 28 with a tweet that blew up a meeting with congressional leaders over a year-end spending measure. Trump said Democratic leaders Charles E. Schumer and Nancy Pelosiwant illegal immigrants flooding into our Country unchecked, are weak on Crime and want to substantially RAISE Taxes.”

He then raised the odds of a government shutdown with this declaration: “I don’t see a deal!”

Meeting with “Chuck and Nancy” today about keeping government open and working. Problem is they want illegal immigrants flooding into our Country unchecked, are weak on Crime and want to substantially RAISE Taxes. I don’t see a deal!

That prompted Schumer and Pelosi to pull out of the meeting, saying they did not want to waste time if the president’s mind was already made up.

Later that day, Trump had harsh words for the very Democrats he will need this week to avert a shutdown during his first year in office.

The next morning, Trump retweeted the inflammatory videos, prompting a rebuke from British Prime Minister Theresa May.

He then tweeted out a call to investigate the July 2001 death of Lori Klausutis, a staffer to former congressman turned MSNBC co-host Joe Scarborough. (Medical authorities said she died when she collapsed due to heart problems and struck her head.)

Publicly, with a handful of exceptions, Republican members were still standing by Trump after the chaotic 48 hours.

One was Oklahoma Sen. James M. Inhofe, who defended Trump’s tweet that started the cascading dominoes and sunk the spending bill meeting. “I think, in that case, they’re using that as an excuse not to go and tried to attract attention to it so they could use it politically,” he said of the Democrats.

Asked about the president’s retweeting of the anti-Muslim videos, Inhofe first said, “Obviously, I’m not his adviser on tweets.” He then added: “I tell myself, ‘That’s just his style.’ He can be very effective sometimes. I’ve seen it work.”

Inhofe said Trump’s meeting last Tuesday in the Capitol with Senate Republicans demonstrated his effectiveness. Nothing erratic or troubling occurred during that session when Trump urged senators to pass a sweeping tax overhaul, the Oklahoma Republican said. “He just did a very good job in calming down the opposition and bringing everyone in,” Inhofe said.

Another Trump defender is the chamber’s longest-serving Republican, Orrin G. Hatch, who traveled home to Utah with Trump on Monday.

“I’ll say this for you, he’s been one of the best presidents I’ve served under,” Hatch said in a TV interview last week. “He’s not afraid to make decisions. He’s not afraid to take on the big mouths around here.” (Trump and his team noticed Hatch’s praise, with the president tweeting a video of the remarks along with thanks for the senator.)

Thank you @SenOrrinHatch. Let’s continue MAKING AMERICA GREAT AGAIN! https://t.co/PIv9OAVZcf pic.twitter.com/6egRvuwj1l

But several Democratic members, granted anonymity to speak candidly about private conversations, said GOP members regularly share their growing angst behind closed doors.

“They express concerns privately, absolutely,” one Democratic member said.

Another Democrat said of Republicans, “I think that they are really worried.” That second Democrat replied “yes” without hesitation when asked if GOP colleagues are growing more concerned in private, adding, “Privately, from Day One, I’ve heard serious concerns.”

When pressed, a third Democrat who has served in both chambers over the course of more than five administrations, had this to say when asked if Republicans are more worried about Trump’s mindset and competency after last week’s turbulent 48 hours: “Now what do you think? Of course, the answer is ‘yes.’”

So why are Republicans so reluctant to speak out publicly?

“I think Republicans are going to keep talking privately about the president, but I think it serves nobody to stand up and say, ‘I think the president's crazy,’” Danielle Pletka of the conservative-leaning American Enterprise Institute said Sunday on NBC’s “Meet the Press.”

[Trump Executive Actions a ‘Disruptive’ Lot]

“He’s the president of the United States. … There is no political upside for Republicans because then the next question is, ‘OK, you think he’s crazy, you think he’s on drugs, you think there is something wrong with him?’” Pletka said. “Then the next question is, ‘So what are you going to do about it?’ And the answer from them is, ‘We don't want to do anything about it.’”

If GOP members’ private concerns reach a boiling point, their options would include formally reprimanding or even impeaching Trump. And even before that, they could speak out critically, as have a few of their colleagues, such as retiring Sens. Bob Corker of Tennessee and Jeff Flake of Arizona.

When asked if Republicans privately talk about taking any action against the president, the second Democrat replied, “No.”

“There’s a lot of shoulder-shrugging,” the member said, mimicking Republicans by making such a shoulder gesture and adding that GOP members’ general attitude can be summed up this way: “What can you do?”

Watch: 17 House Freshman Discuss Their Closest Across-the-Aisle Colleagues

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One government shutdown may be narrowly averted, but another looms right around the corner. The stain of sexual misconduct at the Capitol continues to spread, and an alleged child predator is days away from possibly joining the Senate. Middle East destabilization seems assured as Congress gets its wish to move the U.S. embassy in Israel to Jerusalem. Public support dwindles daily for a loophole-encrusted, deficit-busting tax package that would be the year’s biggest legislative achievement. The push for presidential impeachment has gone far enough to necessitate procedural pushback in the House.

A week such as this one — already chockablock with headlines touching the Hill — seemed to the Republicans who run the place like an ideal time for making a bold hiding-in-plain-sight move.

And so it was that the House devoted more than two hours Wednesday to passing legislation that has no chance whatsoever of becoming law and is broadly unpopular with the electorate, but nonetheless fulfills the GOP’s commitment to doing the bidding of an extremely potent force in its political base.

The bill would effectively permit gun owners to conceal and carry their weapons anywhere in the country — which is nothing less than the “highest legislative priority” of the National Rifle Association. Under the bill, for example, people from several states who have violent felony convictions would be free to board the New York City subway with a semiautomatic pistol hidden in their overcoats.

The vote was 231-198. Only 14 Republicans, half of them facing very competitive contests for new terms next fall, voted against the NRA’s wishes. Just six Democrats, two of them expecting a tough 2018 campaign, voted for the bill.

In the debate, the blizzard of statistics about how the United States far outstrips the rest of the world in deadly gun violence was countermanded by a wave of passion about how the Second Amendment should guarantee people in the United States remain custodians of their own safety. Conservatives who profess faith in states’ rights argued that Hawaii should not be able to have concealed carry restrictions that make a transplant from Missouri feel unsafe.

Under normal circumstances, advancing the measure to certain death in the Senate, where there’s no chance it will overcome a Democratic filibuster, could be dismissed as the one of first of what will seem during the 2018 campaign season like an endless stream of “messaging votes” — designed not to advance changes in policy but to emphasize fealty to the conservative cause.

But this gun bill was something different. That’s because the poison pill language creating “reciprocity rights for gun owners” — the euphemistic NRA term for nationalizing the rules for carrying concealed guns that are in effect in the most permissive states — was combined in the House with something of a legislative unicorn: the first, albeit quite modest, gun control legislation in almost two decades that has drawn genuine bipartisan support on the Hill as well as the backing of both gun control advocacy groups and the NRA. The bill would compel federal agencies, and give incentives to state governments, to better report offenses under their jurisdictions that would prohibit offenders from buying firearms.

The aim is to shore up the reliability of the National Instant Criminal Background Check System, known as NICS. Its limitations were laid bare last month after the massacre of more than two dozen worshipers inside a church in Sutherland Springs, Texas, when it came to light that the Air Force never reported to NICS the domestic violence court-martial that would have kept the assailant from buying his weapons.

The seven Republican opponents of the bill in competitive re-election contests all represent swing districts that either supported Hillary Clinton last year or came within a couple of percentage points of doing so: Ryan A. Costello, Brian Fitzpatrick and Patrick Meehan of Pennsylvania; Carlos Curbelo of Florida; Dan Donovan of New York; Leonard Lance of New Jersey and Peter Roskam of Illinois.

Roskam, Lance and Costello all won their current terms with the NRA’s endorsement after earning 93 percent approval ratings from the group in the previous Congress. The others had much lower scores.

Both Democrats in competitive races who voted for the bill, Collin C. Peterson of Minnesota and Ron Kind of Wisconsin, have mixed records in the eyes of gun rights groups.

A similar measure — without any concealed carry provisions attached to weigh it down — has the sponsorship of 13 Democratic and a dozen Republican senators. But its author, Majority Whip John Cornyn of Texas, openly doubts that he can get the narrow bill passed now that senators supportive of the NRA have the opportunity to push instead for the two-pronged House measure.

The House’s concealed carry bill has already bubbled up in at least one Senate race. Both leading candidates for the GOP nomination in West Virginia, state Attorney General Patrick Morrisey and Rep. Evan Jenkins, are touting their support for the bill in contrast to the position of the incumbent, Democrat Joe Manchin III, who has become a leading Democratic gun control advocate in the past five years after decades on the other side of the issue.

The House bill also tells the Justice Department to study — but only study — the criminal use of “bump stocks,” the piece of equipment that transforms a semiautomatic weapon into a de facto machine gun. Such devices enabled a gunman in Las Vegas to kill 58 people and roughly 500 others at a concert in October. Legislation to outlaw bump stocks has been put on hold by GOP leaders while the Justice Department determines whether current laws allow the product to be pulled off the shelves because using them amounts to manufacturing a prohibited kind of gun.

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House Republicans are planning to pressure leaders from both chambers to maintain two key provisions in the House tax measure during conference negotiations, according to draft letters obtained by Roll Call.

The lobbying comes as the House and Senate try to bridge gaps between their two bills. While many provisions are similar, the differences in the two measures are stark and could require substantial revenue to reconcile.

One draft letter asks House Speaker Paul D. Ryan and Ways and Means Committee Chairman Kevin Brady to preserve a repeal of the estate tax in the final conference bill. The Senate bill would not repeal the tax but instead double the exemption on money left to heirs.

“We strongly urge you to pursue a solution in conference that repeals the estate tax. We are concerned about the current Senate plan, which falls short of the long term Republican goal by providing only temporary relief while leaving the death tax in place,” the letter reads.

The other, directed at Brady and Senate Finance Chairman Orrin G. Hatch, urges the tax panel leaders to allow the 20 percent corporate tax rate to go into effect in 2018. Under the Senate bill, the reduction in the business tax rate would not happen until 2019.

“Delaying an internationally competitive corporate rate could postpone economy-boosting corporate decisions and jeopardize the amount of immediate investment, reductions in capital costs, and GDP growth that a reduced rate is designed to achieve,” the letter reads.

The estate tax letter is led by Rep. Warren Davidson of Ohio while the other by Ralph Norman of South Carolina, a source familiar with the effort said. Neither office immediately responded to request for comment.

Both changes would require significant revenue to offset costs, should the two chambers use the Senate tax bill as a baseline (which many GOP aides expect will happen). Reducing the corporate tax rate from 35 percent to 20 percent in 2018, for example, would cost $107.8 billion, according to an estimate from the Joint Committee on Taxation.

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