PHILADELPHIA — With his white-knuckle approach to speechwriting — making changes in the text until the final millisecond — Bill Clinton as president always courted disaster. And then transcended it.

He ad-libbed the first seven minutes of a 1993 speech to Congress on health care because the wrong speech had been inserted into the teleprompter. His 1997 State of the Union address somehow went into the teleprompter as a James Joycean single paragraph because Clinton had been tweaking the speech in the limousine on his way to the Capitol.

That is not — to put it mildly — Hillary Clinton's style. She is more likely to give her Thursday night acceptance speech while juggling bowling pins than she is to emulate the high-wire rhetorical acts of her husband.

But Hillary's orderly, unflappable approach brings with it a different kind of risk. She often gives the impression that her approach to campaigning is to check off boxes.

Remind the world that she's a grandmother for likability, check. Arouse women voters with talk of the glass ceiling, check. Reach out to Latinos with a Spanish-speaking running mate, check. Stress her years of advocacy for children's rights to show she has a heart, check.

It is her take on the New Deal Democratic coalition — run for president by offering a little something for every winnable constituency group. Putting it in baseball terms (and remember Hillary is a Cubs and a Yankee fan), it is creating an offense based entirely on hitting singles.

Running for president with an incumbent of your own party in the White House can be a daunting challenge. In the shadow of Ronald Reagan, George H.W. Bush admitted his bafflement at "the vision thing. Al Gore in 2000 was the pretzel candidate — tying himself in knots trying to avoid a tarnished Bill Clinton while still claiming credit for the achievements of Clintonism.

Still, there is an inescapable mushiness to Hillary Clinton's vision. In her Sunday night "60 Minutes" interview along with Tim Kaine, she described her policy agenda in these stirring terms: "I think we can create more economic opportunity. I think we can improve education, make college affordable, deal with the myriad of issues that we confront."

You can see the bumper-stickers now: "Deal with the Myriad of Issues — Vote Hillary."

Later in the interview, Scott Pelley gave Clinton another chance to summarize her ambitions as president. But, again, Hillary opted for the warm and very fuzzy: "I care most about getting the economy working for everybody. Not just those at the top. I care deeply about rebuilding the ladders of opportunity that have been battered, and broken, and knocked over — so that people can get an education that'll equip them for the future."

Make no mistake, this is not Ted Kennedy being unable to articulate a coherent reason why he was running for president in his 1979 interview with Roger Mudd . But this is also not the crisp answer that might be expected from a well-rehearsed woman who will deliver the biggest speech of her many-faceted career Thursday night.

Even if she were not running against a bilious billionaire and apprentice authoritarian, Hillary Clinton brings obvious strengths to this campaign. Strengths like competence and professionalism.

The rollout of Tim Kaine as her running mate was a textbook political operation — devoid of leaks or hints of indecisiveness. Watching Clinton and Kaine in Miami Saturday, I thought of the slogan "Better Together," last used to keep Scotland as part of Great Britain.

The hacking of the internal emails of the Democratic National Committee and their release by Wikileaks was an embarrassment. But the Clinton campaign acted promptly to provide DNC Chair Debbie Wasserman Schultz with an exit strategy — straight out an open window. And the choice of Donna Brazile as the acting DNC chair was pitch perfect since the CNN commentator is well liked, soothing and experienced.

This convention is also the last time that Hillary has a chance to win the battle of False Equivalence. Her secrecy mania (the home-brew email servers), her greed (those Goldman-Sachs speeches) and her husband's questionable fund-raising for the Clinton Foundation have produced nods of agreement when Donald Trump mocks her as "Crooked Hillary."

For all of Hillary's missteps and for all the Clinton family's sense of entitlement, there is no comparison between the former secretary of state and the former reality-show host. Hillary does not threaten America's alliances, advocate war crimes, demean Muslims and Latinos, consort with white supremacists and display a total contempt for the norms of democracy.

It seems an open-and-shut case — and it is central to Clinton's need to win the votes of independents and Republicans appalled by Donald Trump.

But asked on "60 Minutes" about her image as someone who is unethical, Hillary quickly retreated to her familiar "vast rightwing conspiracy" tone of martyrdom. As she put it, "I often feel like there's the Hillary standard and then there's the standard for everybody else."

Yes, Hillary has been the victim of partisan witch-hunts from Whitewater to Benghazi. But she has also played fast and loose from her miraculous commodities trading record in the 1980s to her State Department emails.

In her battle against the most dangerous presidential candidate of my lifetime, it is vital to eliminate the counter-argument that "Hillary Is Worse." Sadly, though, I see no signs that this talented, dedicated and exasperating almost-nominee can pull it off.

Roll Call columnist Walter Shapiro is a veteran of Politics Daily, USA Today, Time, Newsweek and the Washington Post. His book on his con-man great-uncle was just published: "Hustling Hitler: The Jewish Vaudevillian Who Fooled the Fuhrer." Follow him on Twitter @MrWalterShapiro.

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Bernie Sanders arrives in Philadelphia vanquished but unbowed.

Platform negotiations brought compromises he can support on the issues that framed his campaign: trade protection, affordable college and universal health care. His call for the ouster of Democratic National Committee Chairwoman Debbie Wasserman Schultz has been honored . And he has a prominent speaking role at the convention Monday night.

But his supporters — protesting in the streets, shouting down party leaders and threatening to disrupt speeches on the floor — could undermine hard-fought negotiations to unify the Democratic Party in advance on November's election.

[ Full Coverage of the Democratic National Convention ]

Beyond Philadelphia, though, it remains unclear whether Sanders and his call for a revolution will have a lasting imprint on the party. Almost a quarter-century after President Bill Clinton pulled the party to the center, Sanders wants to push it back to the left. And he’s promising to do so by mobilizing his legions of supporters and leveraging his formidable fundraising ability to elect progressive candidates up and down the ballot.

The question then is whether Sanders’ movement will lead to a stronger Democratic Party or divide it, much as the tea party movement has split the GOP.

Sanders’ victory in shaping the party platform earlier this month — it is widely considered to be the most liberal in years — initially seemed to quell the dissent.

[ Democrats to Promote Positive Vision Amid Divisions ]

Sanders was pleased enough with the document — which calls for a $15 minimum wage, abolition of the death penalty and free community college — that he endorsed Clinton earlier this month two days after it became final. At the same time, he’s argued that it doesn’t go far enough. In particular, Sanders would have liked a plank critical of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the sweeping trade deal President Barack Obama has pushed but that both Sanders and Clinton oppose.

The apparent peace between the party's factions dissolved late last week when Wikileaks released a series of DNC emails that suggested committee staff were working against Sanders. Clinton's decision to pick Virginia Sen. Tim Kaine as her running mate angered some Sanders supporters, who had hoped for a more progressive vice presidential candidate.

[ Wasserman Schultz Will Step Down As DNC Chair ]

Protesters arrived in full force Sunday, marching through the streets of Philadelphia. Even after Wasserman Schultz stepped down from the committee chairmanship, protesters shouted the Florida congresswoman down at a Monday morning breakfast with her state delegation. House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi was also heckled at a California delegation breakfast.

Sanders has already vowed to support Wasserman Schultz's opponent in her August congressional primary . That is just one small piece of a broader effort to elect more progressive candidates across the country, making public calls for like-minded people to step up and run for office.

“What we need is people standing up, running for school board, and we need other people to be helping them win,” Sanders told supporters in Albany, New York, in late June. “And we need people running for city council, for mayor, you know, for state legislature.”

In a live-stream address to supporters in June, Sanders asked for people interested in seeking local office or campaigning for those who do to contact his operation through a new page on his website. In the first week, roughly 20,000 did. Now the Vermont independent seems ready to put his ability to raise large sums from small-dollar contributions to work for his movement.

[ Trump Tries to Woo Sanders Supporters by Trolling Trump ]

“We are prepared to try to help you. We have millions and millions of names. One of the things that we’re doing right now is we have given support to ... a number of candidates running for Congress, running for state legislature,” Sanders said.

Another Vermonter, former Democratic Gov. Howard Dean , used the support he gained in the 2004 presidential election to launch an organization, Democracy for America, dedicated to expanding progressive influence in those down-ballot races. The organization is encouraging Sanders to do the same.

“It would be an incredible asset to have an organization coming out of Bernie Sanders’ campaign that we can work with and partner with,” said Neil Sroka, a spokesman for the group.

Sanders’ efforts in down-ballot races in 2016 have had mixed results. Though some of his candidates lost, he helped them raise hundreds of thousands of dollars, allowing them to remain competitive in their primaries.

Lucy Flores, a former member of the Nevada state Assembly, was one of them. Sanders’ fundraising email on her behalf brought in more than $400,000. A Democrat, Flores ultimately lost the primary to state Sen. Ruben Kihuen who gets to take on Republican Rep. Cresent Hardy in the state's 4th District in November. But she helped change the conversation in the race with her strident criticism of Wall Street.

[ Sanders Delegates Weigh Kaine Challenge ]

Flores said it was “inevitable” that the Sanders campaign will morph into a campaign operation for progressive candidates. But her loss indicates that it’s not going to be easy to change the party. “This is not a change that is going to occur overnight,” she said.

Strategists who are asked about the Sanders’ effect down-ballot often point to Zephyr Teachout’s win in the Democratic primary in upstate New York’s 19th Congressional District. The incumbent, Republican Chris Gibson, is not running and it’s a prime pickup opportunity for the Democrats.

But it’s not clear how much Sanders had to do with Teachout’s primary win. Though the senator helped raise money for her campaign, she had immense name recognition from a previous gubernatorial run and was one of the favorites from the start.

Democratic consultant Rick Ridder said the key for more down-ballot success is picking the right candidates and analyzing changing demographics that reflect potential pickup opportunities.

“If you’re going to go pick cherries, you got to know where the cherries are,” Ridder said.

As the Sanders campaign weighs its next moves, some of his supporters are taking matters into their own hands. Several former staffers formed “Brand New Congress,” a group with an ambitious plan to run hundreds of candidates in 2018.

[ The Emotional Life of Sanders Supporters ]

The goal is to back more “Berniecrats,” or candidates who run on Sanders’ platform, and take over the Congress in one fell swoop. The founders believe that thinking big keeps people energized.

“If you ask somebody to do something big, to win something big, then people show up,” said Becky Bond, a former senior adviser to the Sanders campaign.

Bond spoke at a gathering of 3,000 activists and Sanders supporters in Chicago in June called “The People’s Summit .” She said the energy was strong and people were eager to figure out their next steps.

Part of the challenge is uniting all the different groups and pockets of supporters, and channeling that energy to make real change. Some of these groups include more established progressive organizations like and Democracy for America. The Sanders campaign also spurred others, such as Millennials for Sanders, which is now considering becoming a political action committee.

[ Will Sanders Hill Internship Be Hottest Ticket for Wonky Millennials? ]

“I think everyone’s going to have to find their spot,” said Katy Hellman, a former Sanders campaign staffer. “But we do need to find a way to continue to support each other and maintain collaboration.”

Hellman worked on a team that coordinated grass-roots groups of Sanders supporters on the ground who traveled to different states, giving them training and tools to help the campaign.

When her team was cut during a campaign shake-up, she reached out to her contacts, who were eager to maintain their momentum. Since then, she has been working on corralling the more than 80 groups and developing a website to mobilize them.

“I’m sort of operating under the impression that we’re going to do this on our own,” Hellman said.

One question is the extent to which these supporters will back candidates within the Democratic Party or challenge sitting Democrats in an attempt to make the party more progressive.

“My guess is when push comes to shove a lot of these young people will end up Democrats, but I think it’s quite possible they create a tea party-like movement on the left,” said Democratic strategist Brad Bannon.

[ Democrats May Find Occupy Movement Is Not That Into Them ]

But other Democrats were skeptical that the progressive movement would go that far.

Montana Sen. Jon Tester, who heads the party’s Senate campaign arm, hopes to work with Sanders and said he’s not concerned about the Vermont independent trying to unseat incumbents.

That’s the prevailing view on Capitol Hill. “I don’t think Bernie Sanders is going to turn into Jim DeMint,” said Connecticut Sen. Christopher S. Murphy, referring to the former South Carolina Republican senator who now runs the Heritage Foundation and has turned the once-staid think tank into a campaign operation for conservatives. Murphy is one of the vast majority of Senate Democrats who endorsed Clinton.

“I could be wrong. I just don’t think that that’s his intent,” Murphy said. “I think he’ll get a lot more done by becoming an influential voice inside the caucus … I’m not suggesting he’s never going to support a primary candidate. But I don’t think his intent is to go create a big outside organization to primary lots of incumbent members.”

Bond said progressives are not a left-wing version of the tea party, but rather a burgeoning movement finding its strength. “We’re not talking about a very vocal minority like the tea party who are willing to go to extreme lengths to impact the outcome of policy decisions,” she said. “What we’re seeing is ‘little d’ democracy exploding.”

“The to-do list is beat Trump, elect progressives, shape the platform and keep building the movement energy by giving people stuff to do,” said Ben Wikler, the Washington director for, which backed Sanders in the primaries.

[ Sanders Signals He'll Work With Clinton to Beat Trump ]

No matter in what direction Sanders’ movement goes, Democratic leaders have taken notice of his supporters.

“I think we used to view Bernie and his followers as an important small part of our party. Now we have learned that it’s a larger part of our party,” said Richard J. Durbin of Illinois, the Democrats’ Senate whip. “And he has shown with a very dynamic and effective campaign that there are many people who are looking for progressive answers to the challenges we face.”

Sanders supporters said they want to seize this moment and make sure the passion that fueled Sanders’ campaign does not fade. “One of the things that I know is that they’re not going home,” said Bond.

Contact Lesniewski at and follow him on Twitter @nielslesniewski .

Contact Bowman at and follow her on Twitter @bridgetbhc .

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PHILADELPHIA — Democratic National Committee Chairwoman Debbie Wasserman Schultz was shouted down at her home state's breakfast Monday morning by angry Sen. Bernie Sanders supporters.

As the Florida Democrat entered the banquet room in downtown Philadelphia, her supporters started chanting "Debbie! Debbie!" They were quickly joined by angry boos, with several standing up and holding signs that said "EMAILS."

The signs referenced the controversy over roughly 20,000 leaked DNC emails that showed some staffers plotted and disregarded the Sanders primary campaign.

Wasserman Schultz announced Sunday that she would resigning as DNC chairwoman after this week's convention. She is still expected to address the convention Monday night.

But Monday morning was a preview of what could happen when she takes the convention stage.

Seth Alexander of Gainesville, Florida, who was wearing a Sanders t-shirt, started a "Shame!" chant as Wasserman Schultz spoke.

Alexander said the protest happened organically and that protesters were angry Wasserman Schultz was still at the convention.

"She is not welcome here. She does not deserve to be at this convention," Alezander said.

Elaine Geller of Hollywood, Florida, said the protest was "disgraceful." Geller was wearing a "Wasserman Schultz for Congress" t-shirt and started chanting "Debbie!" when Sanders supporters began to disrupt the chairwoman's speech. Geller said one of the Sanders supporters cursed at her and threatened to punch her.

Wasserman Schultz continued to speak despite the protest.

"We have so much to do and we have to make sure that we move forward,” she said.

“We know that the voices in this room that are standing up and being disruptive, that’s not Florida,” said Wasserman Schultz.

Contact Bowman at and follow her on Twitter at @bridgetbhc .

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California Delegates Boo Speakers at Convention Breakfast

PHILADELPHIA — Democratic discontent with Hillary Clinton was on full display at the California delegation breakfast Monday morning ahead of the first night of the Democratic National Convention.

Members of the delegation repeatedly disrupted the lineup of speakers, including House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi, with protestations against Clinton and cheering for Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders.

Sanders won 43 percent of California's Democratic primary vote, compared to Hillary Clinton’s 56 percent.

But whenever a speaker talked about uniting to elect Clinton in November, the crowd balked. They booed Rep. Mike Honda. And chanted “Bernie, Bernie, Bernie!” during Rep. Barbara Lee’s address.

[Wasserman Schultz Will Step Down As DNC Chair ]

Pelosi tried to unify the room by emphasizing the commonalities in the room rather than the divisions. “The differences that we have are not so great compared to the chasm between us and Republicans.”

The crowd wasn’t having it. When a Bernie sign was thrust in Pelosi’s face on stage, she remained calm. “I don’t consider it a discourtesy even if it is intended as one.”

[Democrats to Promote Positive Vision Amid Divisions ]

She said she’d always opposed super delegates and praised Sanders for staying in the race through the California primary because he helped boost turnout that resulted in more down-ballot Democrats finishing in the state’s top-two primary system.

With one final call for unity, and rallying calls to take back the House and Senate, Pelosi walked off stage to more “Bernie” chants.

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In her statement on Sunday announcing her resignation as chair of the Democratic National Committee, Debbie Wasserman Schultz said she was focusing on serving her congressional district in Florida.

That tidy statement belied a messy situation back home as she runs for a seventh term in the House.

Wasserman Schultz's fall from her lofty party perch on the eve of the presidential nominating convention in Philadelphia was tied to Bernie Sanders.

He had long complained that the DNC favored his victorious rival, Hillary Clinton, in the primaries. That grievance wasn't going far until last week's release of DNC emails that seemed to back him up.

When Wasserman Schultz arrives in South Florida after the convention for the stretch run of her campaign, she'll face Tim Canova, who on his own probably wouldn't stand a chance in the Aug. 30 primary.

But Sanders is playing hardball with his new-found political power and has come through on his vow to make his fellow native New Yorker a private citizen again by backing the law professor and political novice with fundraising muscle. And so far, that's paying off.

Federal Election Committee reports show Canova raised $1.7 million in total contributions in the latest quarter compared to $1.2 million for Wasserman Schultz.

Because the district is so heavily Democratic, the winner of the primary likely will take the seat in November.


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Media outlets are reporting some grumbling about Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz's leadership of the Democratic National Committee and whether she can bring the party back together after a divisive presidential primary between former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Sen. Bernie Sanders.

Wasserman Schultz was a rising star from a swing state when President Barack Obama selected her for the chairwoman post in 2011 . Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr., in a letter to supporters, said Obama picked her for her "tenacity, her strength, her fighting spirit and her ability to overcome adversity." [ Reports: Murmurs About Ousting Wasserman Schultz at DNC ]

But those qualities have at times rubbed some in her party the wrong way. Here are a few of those times:

She was already in hot water for criticizing the Obama administration's policy of sending undocumented immigrant children back to their home countries a couple weeks earlier.

Contact Akin at and follow her on Twitter at @stephanieakin .

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Convention Preview: Philadelphia Freedom

By Cody Long, David Ellis
Heard on the Hill

Arizona's Kyrsten Sinema Spins Through Her Day

By Simone Pathé

Norman Solomon, a Sanders delegate from California, said the choice of Sen. Tim Kaine as Hillary Clinton's running mate shows "demonstrable contempt for the progressive wing of the party."

[ Clinton Picks Virginia's Tim Kaine for VP ]

Solomon told reporters at a news conference that there are "very serious" discussions about forcing a challenge to the Kaine nomination on the convention floor.

Solomon heads the The Bernie Delegates Network, an independent group of Sanders delegates which claims 1,250 in their ranks. The group conducted a survey of some delegates 10 days ago, in which some 88.1 percent said Kaine would be a "not acceptable" choice.

"We're going to be very quickly doing another straw poll," to see what action the delegates would like to do, Solomon said. He expected that survey of delegates within the network would take place within the next 24 hours.

[ Kaine the Attack Dog Goes After Trump ]

Solomon said that under the Democratic National Convention rules, it would take 300 signatures, no more than 50 of which could originate from any individual state, in order to put a second name in for nomination as vice president. "There has been outreach to specific individuals" about possibly being involved, said Progressive Democrats of America Executive Director Donna Smith, speaking at the same news conference.

Sanders said on NBC's "Meet the Press" that he would have preferred another person for vice president, but the choice was up to Clinton. But, he said, Kaine was not the choice he was hoping for. “Tim is a very very smart guy. His is a very nice guy. His political views are not my political views. He is more conservative than I am," Sanders said. "Would I have preferred to see somebody like Elizabeth Warren selected by Secretary Clinton? Yes I would have.”

Bridget Bowman contributed.

Contact Lesniewski at and follow him on Twitter @nielslesniewski.

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PHILADELPHIA — Delegates in town to support Sen. Bernie Sanders have grievances, but their candidate will be fully behind the presumptive Democratic nominee when he takes the stage Monday night.

His campaign seemed to want to make clear to supporters that despite their concerns — whether about the contents of leaked emails from the Democratic National Committee that indicated some staffers there had been plotting against him, or the selection of Virginia Sen. Tim Kaine as Clinton's running mate — that Clinton is the obvious choice for November.

A Sanders campaign aide promised a speech touting Clinton's policies on key domestic issues, including the environment and health care.

Sanders said in an interview on ABC's "This Week" that he will use his speech to make the case for his "revolution" to continue.

"We have got to continue to get people involved in the political process at every level," Sanders said. "And that means not just the U.S. Senate but school board, at every level."

[ Sanders Endorses Clinton ]

Sanders also plans to say that his movement is going to, "continue the fight to create a government which represents all of us, and not just the 1 percent — a government based on the principles of economic, social, racial and environmental justice," according to the aide.

The Sanders campaign did claim victory Saturday night with an agreement to establish a commission designed to curtail the power of super delegates.

The deal prevents what could have been a complicated floor fight at Wells Fargo Arena on Monday.

"This is a tremendous victory for Senator Sanders' fight to democratize the Democratic Party and reform the Democratic nominating process," Jeff Weaver, Sanders' campaign manager, said of the commission on superdelegates. "We were pleased to work with the Clinton campaign to enact this historic commission."

As proposed, the commission would feature appointees from both campaigns, as well as the Democratic National Committee.

[ Roll Call's 2016 Election Guide: President ]

"We haven't completely eliminated superdelegates, so this fight is not over. But a guaranteed recommendation of two-thirds fewer superdelegates is a major step, and one that I'm excited to continue building on in future years," said rules committee member Aaron Regunberg, a state lawmaker from Rhode Island who had pushed an effort to completely eliminate the use of superdelegates.

The coming together on reducing the number of party insiders who get to cast votes as delegates without being bound to election results tracks well with the news reported by CNN that Democratic National Committee chairwoman Debbie Wasserman Schultz is expected to no longer have a leading role on the convention stage.

Wasserman Schultz has long been criticized by supporters of Sanders over concerns the DNC put a thumb on the scale in favor of Clinton during the primary process, and the deluge of internal emails released by Wikileaks only added fuel to that fire.

Sanders said Sunday that Wasserman Schultz should step down.

“I think she should resign. Period," Sanders told ABC. "And i think we need a new chair who is going to lead us in a different direction.”

Bridget Bowman contributed to this report.

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Trump Gets Bounce, but GOP Still Divided

By Jeremy Silk Smith

Donald Trump’s biggest selling point is his brilliance as a manager.

Yet if this week’s Republican National Convention is any guide, a Trump administration would marry the micromanaging of Jimmy Carter, who refused to delegate even the scheduling of the White House tennis courts, with the incompetence of, say, James Buchanan, who held that Southern secession was illegal, but that going to war to keep the country together was, too.

The unlikely theme of the day here in Cleveland is “Making America One Again.”

Doing that would never have been easy in a moment so polarized that even the weather is a political topic. (“It’s so cool here for this time of year,” my climate change skeptic dad often tells me in midsummer. “Really? Because it’s beastly here,’’ I often answer.)

But this GOP convention has itself made “making America one again” a little harder.

A conspiracy theory-loving person like the GOP nominee might not have to think too hard before concluding that yes, Donald J. Trump's party is out to sink him with the goings-on here, which have featured daily booing on the floor by what he’s called a tiny minority of embarrassed losers.

[ The Latest From Day 4 ]

John Kasich, the governor of the state hosting Trump’s nominating party, has not only stayed away but let slip that he was offered the vice presidency – and told by Donald Trump Jr. that if he took the job, his portfolio would include both foreign and domestic policy. (The nominee’s son has denied making any such offer, which would presumably have left Trump free to pursue other interests.)

Then we have the whole Melania speech fiasco , George W. Bush wondering aloud whether he will go down in history as the last Republican president, and Ted Cruz urging Americans to “vote your conscience” — a decision that the party, if it does survive, may yet come to see as principled even if it also involved score-settling.

[ Who Came Off Worse — Cruz or Trump? ]

After that performance, New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie called the Texas senator "selfish,” to which Cruz's former campaign manager, Jeff Roe, responded, “That guy turned over his political testicles long ago.”

All in all, you have to wonder how Trump can run a country when he can’t run a convention, or how he might bring the country together when the Quicken Loans Arena is the site of so many civil war skirmishes.

The speakers squarely in Trump’s corner are busy making the drawing together of our countrymen less likely with over-the-top rhetoric like Christie's, when he essentially asked for a thumbs up or thumbs down during a mock trial of Clinton on Tuesday that recalled entertainment in the Roman Colosseum . And when Ben Carson linked Clinton to Lucifer, Dana Carvey’s old “Church lady ” skit on Saturday Night Live was officially surpassed by reality.

In his speech accepting the GOP nomination tonight, Donald Trump would have to change course radically to even start to unify the country. And though I’m sure we will hear a few words about love and kindness, any suggestion that we’re not that different or all that far apart would be so out of character that his supporters wouldn’t recognize him even if he did.

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Freshman Republicans who won in 2014 dominate Roll Call's Top 10 List of House incumbents most likely to lose in November.

Elected in low-turnout midterms, they're now on the defensive in districts that often vote Democratic in presidential years.

Roll Call's rankings are based on the general election. The rankings take into account voter registration by party and past presidential results in each district as well as the fundraising and campaign strategy of the candidates.

A few members not on this list — Democratic Rep. Michael M. Honda and GOP Rep. Scott DesJarlais — still face competitive challenges from members of their own parties that could keep them from returning to Congress.

[ Roll Call's Senate Challenger Rankings ]

And although Republicans are mostly on defense this year, they’ve got a few targets that make Democratic members vulnerable, too. But they're not necessarily as vulnerable as the 10 members listed here.

California Rep. Ami Bera sits in the Leans Democratic 7th District, but he may be facing an especially tough re-election after his father pleaded guilty to making illegal contributions to his son’s campaigns.

[ Roll Call's 2016 Election Guide ]

Nebraska Democrat Brad Ashford is also endangered. The former Republican represents a district that Mitt Romney carried by 7 points in 2012. His recent endorsement by the Chamber of Commerce should help him win over conservative voters. But he still needs to convince a lot of voters to split their tickets, and he’s not going to great lengths to remind his constituents that he’s a Democrat.

One Democrat who was on November’s list has disappeared from the rankings: Florida’s Gwen Graham is not seeking re-election to her redrawn heavily Republican district.

[ One Third of Florida Delegation Retiring ]

Democrats must net 30 seats to win a majority in the House — a tall order given that the party doesn’t have recruits in all competitive districts .

But they've fielded competitive challengers in most of these 10 districts, which, combined with the partisan fundamentals of these seats in a presidential year, make these 10 members the most likely to be looking for new jobs in 2017.

The rise of Donald Trump from underestimated candidate to presumptive GOP nominee has complicated the lives of many of these congressmen. Some lawmakers in tossup districts have disavowed him. Others, like Long Island's Lee Zeldin, find themselves on this list, in part, for embracing Trump.

The top four members on Roll Call's list are widely recognized to be the most vulnerable. But with so many members in tossup districts, determining the middle and bottom of the pack becomes more difficult. Roll Call will be updating these rankings as November draws nearer and we learn more about the challengers in these races.

Blum represents a district that Obama has twice carried by double digits. But the Freedom Caucus member has made little effort to moderate his votes. Blum could kick more of his own money into his campaign, but he’s facing a competitive challenger in Democrat Monica Vernon , and it’s unclear how much help he’ll be getting from the National Republican Congressional Committee, which still hasn’t added him to the Patriot Program.

Rating: Tilts Democrat

Obama carried this district by a hefty margin in 2012, making this large Nevada seat unfriendly territory for the freshman Republican. He unseated former Rep. Steven Horsford, a Democrat, by less than 3 points in a low-turnout year, and this year he’ll be going up against Harry Reid-backed Ruben Kihuen in a state where Trump’s comments about Hispanics will likely be a liability down-ticket.

Rating: Tilts Democrat

Jolly bowed out of the Senate race in mid-June, and he’s now the only member sitting in a district rated safe for the opposite party. Recent redistricting made this Gulf Coast district much safer for Democrats, and former Gov. Charlie Crist, now a Democrat, has a financial edge. Jolly’s pledged not to directly solicit money for his campaign, and the NRCC likely won’t be helping him .

Rating: Safe Democrat

In his second nonconsecutive term, Guinta faces a double threat in this swing district: Before entertaining another rematch with former Rep. Carol Shea-Porter , he needs to survive his September primary. Settling a campaign finance violation with the FEC has left him with very little money and waning support from Granite State Republicans . Democrats would much prefer to run against Guinta, especially with an independent now complicating the general election.

Rating: Tossup

It’s another rematch for Dold and former Democratic Rep. Brad Schneider, whom Dold knocked off by less than 3 points in the off-year. Dold has said he will not support Trump , but working in Schneider’s favor is the strong Democratic lean of this suburban Chicago-based district.

Rating: Tossup

Obama twice won Katko’s Syracuse-based district by double digits, leaving this freshman in a precarious position against Democrat Colleen Deacon. He’s kept his distance from Trump, saying that the presumptive GOP nominee needs to earn his vote, and he’s got a hefty war chest. But the “R” next to his name might be too much for Katko to overcome here in a presidential year.

Rating: Tossup

This freshman voted against funding the Department of Homeland Security in March, endorsed Trump and dug himself into an even deeper hole with moderates recently by suggesting President Obama is racist. He’ll face a well-funded challenger in a blue state. And yet, Trump’s appeal shouldn’t be totally written off in this Long Island district.

Rating: Tilts Republican

Republicans praise this south Florida congressman for doing everything he should be doing: He’s said he won’t vote for Trump , and he’s staked out moderate positions on gay rights and clean energy. Also working in his favor is a Democratic primary that won’t be resolved until August. But the 26th District, which voted for Obama by 7 points in 2012, became even more Democratic in recent redistricting, putting Curbelo at risk.

Rating: Tossup

Poliquin impressed early with strong fundraising in his rematch against Democrat Emily Cain , whom he beat by 5 points in the off-year. She recently outpaced him in fundraising, but he maintains a large cash-on-hand advantage. Democrats are hoping Poliquin’s evasiveness on Trump and his Wall Street ties will persuade voters he’s out of touch with his blue collar district , which votes Democratic at the presidential level.

Rating: Tossup

The former aide to Sen. Charles E. Grassley won this open seat in the off-year, but the district’s preference for Democrats at the presidential level may make it tough for him to hold. He’s facing Iraq War veteran Jim Mowrer, who won a competitive Democratic primary last month. But so far, Young has a healthy cash advantage.

Rating: Tossup

Contact Pathé at and follow her on Twitter at @sfpathe .

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