Every delegate will be able to cast a vote during the Democratic convention Tuesday night, Hillary Clinton campaign representatives said Monday night and Tuesday morning, quashing speculation that the formal roll call vote would be skipped in an attempt to silence supporters of Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders.

"There is going to be a roll call vote," campaign manager Robby Mook said on NBC's "Today" show Tuesday. "All 57 states and territories are going to cast their vote. All the delegates are going to have their voices heard. And you’re going to see Secretary Clinton win the nomination."

Mook's assertion reiterated a statement from Clinton press secretary Brain Fallon the previous day, that Clinton, "welcomed a full roll call vote," and came after Sanders, in his prime-time speech on the convention's opening day, preemptively thanked his supporters for casting their votes for him.

As many as 1,900 delegates are expected to vote for Sanders, but with 6,000 delegates and alternates at the convention, Clinton is expected to easily notch the 2,383 needed to formally receive the party's nomination.

Sanders' supporters have been collecting signatures on petitions calling for a roll call vote since the convention's raucous opening Monday morning, saying they want to ensure that the Democratic organizers don't try to silence them. The Clinton and Sanders campaigns have reportedly been negotiating whether a vote would take place.

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PHILADELPHIA — The next Senate Democratic leader will make the case that a Hillary Clinton presidency needs a Democratic majority in Congress to get things done.

"We Democrats fight for an America that works for everyone, that’s focused on leveling the playing field for all of us," Charles E. Schumer will say in his speech to the Democratic convention Tuesday night.

"And when Hillary Clinton wins the White House, and Democrats win back the Senate majority, that’s what we’ll do," Schumer said in excerpts of his prepared remarks obtained by Roll Call.

[ Special Coverage: 2016 Democratic National Convention ]

Schumer is expected to succeed Senate Minority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., when Reid retires after this year. Schumer, currently the third highest ranking Democrat, quickly locked up his bid for Democratic leader shortly after Reid announced his retirement.

If Clinton, the presumptive nominee, wins the White House, and Democrats take back the Senate, Clinton will find herself once again working closely Schumer.

The pair represented New York for eight years in the Senate, which Schumer plans to highlight in his convention speech.

In the excerpts, he recalled watching her work to save a naval plant in upstate New York, and ensure health care for first responders to the 9/11 attacks.

[ The Pelosification of Chuck Schumer ]

Schumer laid out a slew of policy goals if Clinton and Senate Democrats are victorious in November. First among them is filling the vacancy on the Supreme Court with a justice "who will protect women’s rights, voting rights, and finally undo Citizens United," the New York Democrat said of the law allowing unlimited political spending by corporations.

Schumer also said a Democratic Senate would raise the minimum wage, ensuring equal pay for women, an address college affordability.

Schumer also said they would work to pass "comprehensive immigration reform," an elusive goal since the the so-called "Gang of Eight" deal passed a Democratic-led Senate in 2013, but stalled in a Republican-led House.

Schumer will also take a shot at GOP nominee Donald Trump, borrowing a line from Trump's reality television show, "The Apprentice."

A Democratic Senate, Schumer said, "will say to Americans 'you’re hired,' instead of 'you’re fired.'"

Contact Bowman at bridgetbowman@rollcall.com and follow her on Twitter at @bridgetbhc .

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Michelle Obama gave a rousing endorsement of Hillary Clinton on Monday, proving to be the most unifying force so far at the Democratic convention.

The first lady’s remarks about family, her experiences in the White House, her vision for the presidency and her pride at a women nominee for president, brought the delegates to their feet in Philadelphia.

“Don’t let anyone ever tell you that this country isn't great,” she said in one of several firm swipes she took at GOP nominee Donald Trump.

She credited Clinton with being tough and resilient in her personal and professional life, and an inspiration not just for women, but for all Americans.

“Hillary Clinton has a the guts and the grace to keep coming back to put cracks in that highest glass ceiling until she finally breaks through, lifting us up with her,” she said.

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Sanders (I-VT) closes out the first night of the DNC in Philadelphia.

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PHILADELPHIA — Senate Democrats have a message for President Barack Obama: We want to see you on the campaign trail this year.

The party's leading strategists say that unlike in 2014, when Obama avoided campaigning with vulnerable incumbents in his own party, the president can be an asset in the coming three months before Election Day.

"Month after month, his numbers go up," said Matt Canter, a former deputy executive director of the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee. "He is at potentially the most popular point in his presidency. He's going to be an incredible asset to Democrats in these big battleground states."

Canter was speaking in Philadelphia, site of this week's Democratic National Convention, at a Tuesday panel hosted by the DSCC.

[ Complete Coverage of the Democratic National Convention as it Happens ]

Obama's approval has topped 50 percent in many polls this year, a relative high after he had sunk into the low 40s for much of his second term.

The map has also changed dramatically for Democrats since the midterm election, which featured a handful of red-state incumbents seeking re-election.

This year, Democrats are by and large trying to defeat GOP incumbents in blue and purple states like Pennsylvania and New Hampshire.

"Certainly you'll see a lot of President Obama sand Vice President [Joe] Biden stumping for Senate candidates," said Christie Roberts, the DSCC's research director.

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Jerry Springer Weighs Clinton Vs. Trump

By Nathan Gonzales, Thomas MnKinless, Cody Long
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There are those who believe that women will propel Hillary Clinton to the presidency in November, seizing the opportunity to put the first of their kind in the White House. After all, that’s what black voters helped to do for Barack Obama in 2008.

Clinton herself hopes this is true. In declaring victory over Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders, for example, Clinton played up the historic nature of her candidacy, crediting her win to “generations of women and men who struggled and sacrificed and made this moment possible.”

Donald Trump, the Republican nominee, has criticized Clinton for trying to exploit her gender and has attempted to rally those who believe it’s no cause to vote for her. After a night of primary victories in April, he told supporters: “If Hillary Clinton were a man, I don’t think she’d get 5 percent of the vote. The only thing she has going is the woman’s card.”

The story line around the 2016 election may focus on a battle of the sexes. Polls show that women favor Clinton, while Trump is doing better than her with men.

But the latest political science research indicates that neither sexism nor feminism is likely to decide this race. It turns out that other factors — primarily the political party of the candidate — are much more important than gender stereotypes, which seem to barely matter at all.

“There is very little evidence that women are more likely to vote for women candidates simply because they are women,” says Kathleen Dolan, a political scientist at the University of Wisconsin in Milwaukee whose 2014 book “When Does Gender Matter? Women Candidates and Gender Stereotypes in American Elections” examined votes for women who ran for Congress and governorships in 2010. Likewise, Dolan says, “There is very little evidence that men don’t vote for women candidates because they are women.”

Clinton, in other words, can’t count on a boost from women, but nor should she fear a backlash from men. That doesn’t mean, however, that she does not enter the race with a built-in advantage. She does: the gender gap.

How can sexism and feminism be non-issues in the campaign while the women’s vote gives Clinton an advantage?

Simply put, women tend to vote for the Democratic candidate for president, while men prefer the Republican. Democrats have the edge because more women vote — many millions more.

This runs counter to many feminists’ gut instinct that sexism is working against them.

And there’s some evidence that Clinton has suffered for her gender, given her devastating loss in the Democratic primaries to Obama eight years ago and her struggle to put away Sanders this year, despite her higher profile and broader experience in government.

“We have a deep-seated misogynistic, sexist society,” says Rosemary Camposano, who co-founded the WomenCount political action committee in May 2008 to protest some Democrats’ calls for Clinton to drop out of the Democratic nominating contest that year. “There is deeply embedded resistance to a woman, and particularly a strong woman.”

But according to numerous studies going back to the 1970s that have examined women’s prospects running for Congress or governor, that’s simply not so.

Robert Darcy and Sarah Slavin Schramm of George Washington University wrote in a 1977 article that a congressional candidate’s gender had “little or no effect on election outcomes,” for example. In 1985, John Zipp and Eric Plutzer of Washington University in St. Louis found the same in their study of 1982 Senate and gubernatorial races. In 1994, Barbara Burrell of Northern Illinois University wrote in her book, “A Woman’s Place Is in the House: Campaigning for Congress in the Feminist Era,” that women are as successful at winning elections as men.

But at one point, there was clear bias. When the Gallup Organization asked in 1936 if its respondents would “vote for a woman for president if she was qualified in every other respect,” 2 in 3 said no.

Shortly after Clinton’s loss to Obama, the Pew Research Center asked a similar question and 92 percent of respondents said they would vote for a woman. At the same time, though, more than half of those polled by Pew said they didn’t believe their fellow Americans were sincere. Fifty-six percent said they thought “America was not ready for a woman leader.”

That, despite the fact that political scientists have found consistently since the 1970s that women who run for office win at rates equal to those of men. The reason women remain so underrepresented in political office is not because they face discrimination at the ballot box, but because so few of them run, which may well be the result of underlying sexism.

In her study, Dolan found that women running for the House in 2010 won votes at rates as good as or better than the men. Democratic women representatives as well as Democratic women seeking House seats did slightly better than Democratic men. Republican women representatives accrued votes at nearly the rate the men did and did slightly better than their male counterparts in challenging incumbents.

But Dolan and many others have found that men are much more likely than women to view themselves as strong candidates for elective office. So women who run tend to wait until they have more political experience, as was the case for 2010 House candidates. The women that year were significantly more likely than the men to have served previously in a state-level office.

In the run-up to the 2008 Democratic National Convention in Denver, Camposano and her colleagues were angry enough with the Obama campaign for perceived sexist slights that they said they were considering writing in Clinton’s name or voting for the Republican candidate, Sen. John McCain of Arizona. They attacked then-Democratic National Committee Chairman Howard Dean and even the top Democrat in the House, Nancy Pelosi of California, for betraying Clinton. And they even criticized as sexist Democrats who were mocking McCain’s choice of Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin as his running mate.

Heidi Li Feldman, a Georgetown University law professor who organized an advertising campaign before the 2008 Democratic convention to demand that Clinton’s name be placed in nomination — Clinton ultimately called for Obama’s nomination by acclamation, short-circuiting the convention vote — said at the time that Obama’s ascension was “the product of a corrupt process.”

So it became awkward this year for Clinton’s most fervent, feminist supporters when Sanders started winning more young women’s votes than Clinton, and later, when he refused to drop out of the race after it was clear he had lost.

Feldman says she sees Sanders’ appeal to young women as a symptom of America’s sexist culture.

“What I think the media hasn’t covered and hasn’t reported is a thoroughgoing feminist perspective on the Sanders candidacy and the reaction of young men and women to someone they can think of as cool granddad versus mom,” she says. “And it turns out that this is a comment about the culture, not something conscious in the minds of anyone who is supporting Bernie Sanders.”

Still, she doesn’t condemn Sanders or the young women who supported him. Others have.

Before the New Hampshire primary, former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright said “there’s a special place in hell for women who don’t help other women” to pressure womankind to back Clinton. Sanders won anyway, with 82 percent of 18- to 29-year-old women and 55 percent of all Granite State women voters.

Feminist icon Gloria Steinem told HBO’s Bill Maher that young women were backing Sanders because “the boys are with Bernie.” She later apologized.

The conventional wisdom among the feminist older generation remains that young women voted for Sanders because they haven’t experienced the kind of sexism older women have, and that they will fall in line in the general election. Another theory is that young women see that sexism no longer holds women back in politics and believe that a woman will eventually be elected president, whether it is Clinton or someone else. They are willing to wait for a better candidate to make history.

Overall, in the primaries, Clinton won the women’s vote handily. Clinton also enjoyed an advantage among women in her 2008 primary campaign.

Clinton on average received 8.6 percent more votes from women than she got from men in the 2008 primaries and 10.6 percent more in 2016, according to research by Barbara Norrander, a political science professor at the University of Arizona.

That, at least, is an indication that Democratic women may favor a candidate of their own gender in a primary contest.

But Dolan, in her analysis of 2010 voting returns for House, Senate and gubernatorial general election races, found that partisanship trumps both gender loyalty and gender stereotypes.

Camposano, an example of that, ultimately did vote for Obama. And she expects that women will coalesce around Clinton and propel her to victory this year.

The circumstances of the race seem to set Clinton up perfectly and she is encouraging women’s solidarity. After Trump said she was little more than an affirmative action success story, Clinton responded by offering a $5 “Woman Card” for sale on her campaign website that looked like a New York City subway fare card, except it’s pink and touts her candidacy.

But Dolan’s research shows that it’s unlikely that many conservative women will vote for Clinton out of any sense of gender loyalty.

Dolan’s study throws much of the political science research on sexism on its head because, in the past, political scientists have primarily asked people how they felt about hypothetical women and men candidates and found all sorts of gender stereotyping, such as male candidates are more decisive and tough, or they handle economic and defense issues better than a woman would. By contrast, female candidates are presented as more honest and compassionate and handle issues like child care and education better than men.

But Dolan found that when voters are given more information about specific candidates, their party loyalties overwhelm their preconceived notions.

In 2010, Democratic women who’d like to see more women in office didn’t abandon Nevada Sen. Harry Reid for his opponent, Republican Sharron Angle, any more than Republican men skeptical of women’s ability to govern abandoned New Hampshire Sen. Kelly Ayotte for her opponent, Democrat Paul Hodes.

And while it’s true that never in American history has a woman run for president as the candidate of a major party, it’s also true that the electorate knows a lot about Clinton that either challenges or confirms any preconceptions they might hold about women office-seekers.

Clinton might look at how strongly blacks turned out for Obama in 2008 and 2012, increasing their typical turnout rate from 6 in 10 eligible voters to 2 in 3, and get excited about a history-making women’s vote. The 10 percent jump among eligible black voters going to the polls meant that a greater percentage of blacks cast ballots than whites, a first in American history.

She shouldn’t count on it.

“Racial consciousness really is a thing,” says Dolan. “Black voters really were motivated to vote for a fellow minority. We find much less evidence that gender consciousness is a thing.”

But Clinton doesn’t need to win over Republican women or hope for a game-changing increase in turnout. Any increase in women’s turnout — 65.6 percent of women voters cast ballots in 2008 and 63.7 percent did in 2012 — plays to her benefit because a majority of them are almost certain to favor her. By contrast, only 61.5 percent of men turned out in 2008 and 59.8 percent in 2012.

The gender gap, as measured by the Gallup Organization, hit an all-time high of 20 percentage points in 2012. Obama beat Republican Mitt Romney by 12 points among women voters, but lost men to Romney by 8 points.

And one thing has remained consistent since 1988: The Democrat wins women. The closest Republicans have come since George H.W. Bush took the women’s vote by 4 percentage points that year was 2004, when his son lost it by the same margin.

In each of the last six presidential elections, excepting 2004, Democrats’ advantage among women has exceeded Republicans’ among men. And in three of those years — 1992, 1996 and 2008 — Democrats won both the women’s vote and the men’s vote.

Before the feminist movement took hold, a gender gap existed in U.S. politics, but women voted for the party men did. No one can say why that changed, but political scientists have theories.

Norrander says the gap is the result more of men moving strongly into the Republican Party than of women embracing the Democrats.

“Men started to move into the Republican Party after 1964,” when Arizona Sen. Barry Goldwater began to mold a new conservatism based on states’ rights themes aimed at appealing to white voters in the South and West, Norrander says. “They did so at a greater and faster rate than women.”

The issue is not, Norrander argues, a question of where the parties stand on women’s issues, like abortion or child care — her research shows those are not a deciding factor — but on the parties’ broader governing philosophies. Women have preferred Democrats because they are the party of compassion and a generous safety net that women are more likely to use. Men prefer the self-reliant, libertarian tones of the GOP.

That’s created an advantage for Democrats because many more women vote. The number of women casting presidential ballots has exceeded that of men since 1964 and the difference has widened almost every presidential year. In 1964, the difference was 1.7 million votes, according to an analysis by the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University. It’s grown and was never greater than in 2012 when 9.8 million more women than men cast ballots.

“If women turn out, Democrats could have an advantage,” says Dolan.

Clinton can’t expect women to vote for her simply because she’s a woman, but she can reasonably assume that a higher women’s turnout will help her win.

And she has reason to be encouraged. According to a study Norrander presented at the Midwest Political Science Association Conference this April, Democratic women turn out at greater rates than Democratic men in primary contests.

With Clinton in the race, in both 2008 and 2016, women voters turned out at rates that exceeded men by more than 15 percentage points.

In 2000 and 2004, when all the Democratic candidates were men, the gap wasn’t as large: 13.5 points in 2000 and 9.5 points in 2004.

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Bernie Sanders started a political revolution in 2016, but it became immediately obvious on the first day of the Democratic National Convention that Sanders is not entirely in control of the movement he began.

The first signs of a mutiny in Bernieland came hours before the convention was gaveled to order in Philadelphia, as Sanders addressed a group of supporters eager to get their marching orders. When he signaled that the time had come to move on from battling Hillary Clinton and shift the focus to Republicans, Sanders could not rein in their anger.

"We have got to defeat Donald Trump!" Sanders said to cheers. "And we have got to elect Hillary Clinton and Tim Kaine!" For the next 60 seconds, Sanders tried to speak over boos that rained down. Holding his hands up to silence the jeers, he implored them, "Brothers and sisters! Brothers and sisters! ... This is the real world we live in."

But the Berniacs didn't want to hear about the real world. They weren't done with the the fight that Bernie had begun.

Elsewhere in the city, different pro-Sanders protestors were chanting the same anti-Clinton taunt that RNC delegates shouted in Cleveland last week, yelling, "Lock her up! Lock her up!" Another group shouted "Hell no, DNC, we won't vote for Hillary!"

At a Market Street hotel, the leader of "Delegates for Bernie," Norman Solomon, made it clear he and his group weren't done with Clinton, either, no matter what Sanders has to say.

"We will take everything under advisement, including from Bernie Sanders, but we are totally independent of the Sanders campaign," Solomon said. "As beloved as Bernie is, his brilliance comes from the fact that he's not running the show."

Between the Wikileaks trove of DNC emails, the scandal engulfing DNC chair Debbie Wasserman Schultz, and Clinton's choice of moderate Sen. Tim Kaine as her running mate, Solomon said progressives felt Clinton was continuing to "thumb her nose" at them. Challenging Kaine's nomination on the floor of the convention this week could be one of their last chances to stop her progress.

Karen Bernal, a Bernie delegate from California, said she'd heard "through the grapevine" that the Sanders campaign was pressuring them not to be so overt in their protests, both in the city and on the convention floor.

"My job is to make sure that the wishes of my states' delegation are heard," Bernal said. "They are going to do what they feel is in keeping with the so-called political revolution."

The biggest test for Sanders and his revolution came Monday night, when he gave an unambiguous endorsement of Clinton and urged his supporters to follow suit. For the most part, they did.

"To all of our supporters here and around the country, I hope you take enormous pride in what we have achieved," he said. "We have begun a political revolution to transform America and that revolution, our revolution continues."

Even as many stood weeping on the convention floor, Sanders declared, "Hillary Clinton will make an outstanding president and I am proud to stand with her tonight."

At that moment, Sanders' presidential ambitions finally ended, but progressives say they expect him to be a force within the party and nationally.

Because of the strength of his campaign, his opposition to the Trans Pacific Partnership has now become accepted Democratic policy, even as President Barack Obama continues to support it. Sanders also won changes to the Democratic platform, and on Monday, the resignation of Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz as chair of the DNC.

It may not be the White House, but Sanders is poised to nonetheless emerge from 2016 elections with more power and influence than he ever had before. If Democrats take back the Senate, Sanders is in line to take over the Health, Education, and Labor Committee, where he could leave his mark health care and welfare policy for a generation.

He's also likely to be the de facto leader of the often unwieldy progressive movement, even more so than Sen. Elizabeth Warren, who had unofficially occupied that role leading up to the 2016 elections.

"I think Bernie will have way more influence than Warren because he's shown the guts," Solomon said. "He's shown the guts."

Solomon also said more details of that possible challenge to Kaine will come out as the week goes on, whether or not Bernie endorses the fight.

Roll Call columnist Patricia Murphy covers national politics for The Daily Beast. Previously, she was the Capitol Hill bureau chief for Politics Daily and founder and editor of Citizen Jane Politics. Follow her on Twitter @1PatriciaMurphy.

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Democratic congressional aides have never felt more confident about their party’s chances in this year’s election.

That assessment is based on answers they’ve provided every month since October, when CQ Roll Call began its Capitol Insiders Survey, which polls staffers by email.

While the nation’s Democratic primary voters struggled over whether to choose Hillary Clinton or Bernie Sanders, it was never a close call for the aides.

They have said consistently that Clinton was the best choice and expressed little worry about Sanders’ persistence.

“I don’t think he’s hurting her,” says Brendan Daly, a former spokesman for House Democratic Leader Nancy Pelosi of California. “He’s very sincere and his people are as well. I believe he’ll bring his people along. It’s part of the process.”

That process started when Sanders endorsed Clinton on July 12, bringing to an end a tough primary fight.

The Democratic staffers’ sense of common purpose contrasts sharply with the divisions among Republican aides.

When CQ Roll Call asked in June who they’d vote for, only 42 percent said Donald Trump. Most said they’d vote for a third-party candidate or stay home. A handful said they’d vote for Clinton.

GOP angst over Trump is playing into Democrats’ confidence, which extends beyond the presidential race.

As it became clearer that the mogul would be the GOP’s nominee this spring, more and more Democrats said they believed their party would retake the Senate and make significant gains in the House.

Indeed, in the June survey, 9 in 10 Democratic aides were bullish about their chances of winning the Senate majority, where they need to pick up four seats if Clinton wins or five seats otherwise. In the House, where they need 30 seats to retake the majority, 8 in 10 predicted a Democratic wave.

The national polls gauging Clinton vs. Trump show a much tighter contest this November, revealing a schism, perhaps, between the Democratic establishment in Washington and voters.

Trust the aides, says Steve Elmendorf, a Washington lobbyist who was once House Democratic Leader Richard A. Gephardt’s chief of staff. “I think Hill staffers are smarter than the average pollster. The polls are a snapshot in time.”

Could the aides be too complacent? Some Republicans are holding out hope that they are.

“As much evidence as there is that Hillary is going to be the next president, and win comfortably, anyone who takes it for granted is not paying attention to anything,” says Sam Geduldig, a former aide to Republican Rep. John A. Boehner of Ohio who’s skeptical that Clinton has as easy a path as his Democratic colleagues predict.

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Bernie Sanders, fresh from his endorsement of Hillary Clinton, sent a message to Donald Trump Monday night that was widely interpreted as a sign that Sanders had finally come into the Clinton fold. Never tweet. https://t.co/DKvAhbDWqe — Bernie Sanders (@BernieSanders) July 26, 2016

"Never Tweet," Sanders wrote directly to Trump, who had been taunting the septuagenarian senator all week, calling him "tired" and "pathetic" for capitulating to Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton.

The tweet came in response to a Trump missive 10 minutes earlier that said, "Bernie Sanders totally sold out to Crooked Hillary Clinton." Bernie Sanders totally sold out to Crooked Hillary Clinton. All of that work, energy and money, and nothing to show for it! Waste of time. — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) July 26, 2016

Trump had tweeted earlier that it was, "sad to watch Bernie Sanders abandon his revolution," that Sanders looked "exhausted and done," and that he had, "lost his energy and his strength." Sad to watch Bernie Sanders abandon his revolution. We welcome all voters who want to fix our rigged system and bring back our jobs. — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) July 26, 2016

Hard to believe that Bernie Sanders has done such a complete fold. He got NOTHING for all of the time, energy and money. The V.P. a joke! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) July 25, 2016

Crooked Hillary Clinton knew everything that her "servant" was doing at the DNC - they just got caught, that's all! They laughed at Bernie. — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) July 25, 2016

Crooked Hillary Clinton knew everything that her "servant" was doing at the DNC - they just got caught, that's all! They laughed at Bernie. — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) July 25, 2016

Even though Bernie Sanders has lost his energy and his strength, I don't believe that his supporters will let Crooked Hillary off the hook! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) July 24, 2016

Sorry folks, but Bernie Sanders is exhausted, just can't go on any longer. He is trying to dismiss the new e-mails and DNC disrespect. SAD! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) July 24, 2016

Bernie Sanders started off strong, but with the selection of Kaine for V.P., is ending really weak. So much for a movement! TOTAL DISRESPECT — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) July 24, 2016

The Wikileaks e-mail release today was so bad to Sanders that it will make it impossible for him to support her, unless he is a fraud! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) July 23, 2016

Sanders response echoed a tweet from Clinton to Trump in June — the most widely distributed of her campaign — that said simply, "Delete your account."

Delete your account. https://t.co/Oa92sncRQY — Hillary Clinton (@HillaryClinton) June 9, 2016

Both Democratic candidates were appropriating Twitter burns popular with much younger generations that basically mean your posts are so lame you should just give up.

By jumping in on the Trump Twitter zinger fest, Sanders positioned himself alongside Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren, the attack dog of the campaign, who followed Clinton's June tweet with one of her own that said, "No, seriously — delete your account."

No, seriously -- Delete your account. https://t.co/O1u7oc0jAR — Elizabeth Warren (@elizabethforma) June 10, 2016

"This, more than that speech, shows me that Bernie is finally on board," a Reddit user posted under the name blueshirt21.

Comment from discussion Bernie Sanders to Donald Trump on Twitter: "Never Tweet...". var rcrdTwitter = 1; Other posters on the popular online forum agreed. "This is definitely the natural follow up to Delete your account," a user with the id birlik54 responded. "He's on our side now." Comment from discussion Bernie Sanders to Donald Trump on Twitter: "Never Tweet...". var rcrdTwitter = 1; Get breaking news alerts and more from Roll Call on your iPhone or your Android.

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Democratic congressional aides have never felt more confident about their party’s chances in this year’s election.

That assessment is based on answers they’ve provided every month since October, when CQ Roll Call began its Capitol Insiders Survey, which polls staffers by email.

While the nation’s Democratic primary voters struggled over whether to choose Hillary Clinton or Bernie Sanders, it was never a close call for the aides.

They have said consistently that Clinton was the best choice and expressed little worry about Sanders’ persistence.

“I don’t think he’s hurting her,” says Brendan Daly, a former spokesman for House Democratic Leader Nancy Pelosi of California. “He’s very sincere and his people are as well. I believe he’ll bring his people along. It’s part of the process.”

That process started when Sanders endorsed Clinton on July 12, bringing to an end a tough primary fight.

The Democratic staffers’ sense of common purpose contrasts sharply with the divisions among Republican aides.

When CQ Roll Call asked in June who they’d vote for, only 42 percent said Donald Trump. Most said they’d vote for a third-party candidate or stay home. A handful said they’d vote for Clinton.

GOP angst over Trump is playing into Democrats’ confidence, which extends beyond the presidential race.

As it became clearer that the mogul would be the GOP’s nominee this spring, more and more Democrats said they believed their party would retake the Senate and make significant gains in the House.

Indeed, in the June survey, 9 in 10 Democratic aides were bullish about their chances of winning the Senate majority, where they need to pick up four seats if Clinton wins or five seats otherwise. In the House, where they need 30 seats to retake the majority, 8 in 10 predicted a Democratic wave.

The national polls gauging Clinton vs. Trump show a much tighter contest this November, revealing a schism, perhaps, between the Democratic establishment in Washington and voters.

Trust the aides, says Steve Elmendorf, a Washington lobbyist who was once House Democratic Leader Richard A. Gephardt’s chief of staff. “I think Hill staffers are smarter than the average pollster. The polls are a snapshot in time.”

Could the aides be too complacent? Some Republicans are holding out hope that they are.

“As much evidence as there is that Hillary is going to be the next president, and win comfortably, anyone who takes it for granted is not paying attention to anything,” says Sam Geduldig, a former aide to Republican Rep. John A. Boehner of Ohio who’s skeptical that Clinton has as easy a path as his Democratic colleagues predict.

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The messages couldn't have been more different.

Republicans chanted "build the wall" several times last week during their party's presidential convention in Cleveland last week.

But Democrats chose to put on center stage people who would find themselves on opposite sides of that barrier. They took a much more personal approach to one of the most vexing issues before both parties: illegal immigration.

An 11-year-old girl brought the crowd to its feet Monday night after telling them Hillary Clinton would fight to save her family from separation.

“I don’t feel great every day,” Karla Ortiz told delegates at the Democratic National Convention's first night. “On most days I’m scared. I’m scared that at any moment my mom and my dad will be forced to leave and I wonder what if I come home and find it empty?”

Ortiz is a U.S. citizen, but her parents are undocumented and live under the constant fear of being deported.

[The Latest from the Democratic National Convention ]

Ortiz, joined by her mother Francisca, praised Clinton for her promise to help the family from being separated under a myriad of immigration initiatives, including programs that can protect children but not their parents.

[Children of Undocumented Parents Fight for Family ]

At the Republican convention delegates boisterously cheered at a proposal by Republican nominee Donald Trump to build a wall along the entire Mexican border to keep people from coming to the U.S. illegally.

When Trump took the stage after accepting his party's nomination, he called immigration a problem that was easily solvable.

[Trump Pledges to Make America Safe ]

"We are going to build a great border wall to stop illegal immigration, to stop the gangs and the violence and the drugs from pouring into our communities," he said to wild applause. "Illegal border crossings will go down. They won't be happening. Peace will be restored."

An ad featuring Trump's promise to "build a wall" to stop illegal immigration aired Monday night at the convention in Philadelphia. Democrats had a response: "We're better than this."

In June, the Supreme Court deadlocked over a challenge to Obama's immigration plan that would have prevented deportation for millions of immigrants.

Obama's executive action would have allowed unauthorized immigrants who are parents of U.S. citizens or legal permanent residents to stay in the country legally if they met certain residency requirements.

Another part of the plan would have expanded an earlier program, the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals or DACA, which protected undocumented immigrants from deportation if they first came to the U.S. under the age of 16.

Clinton, who awaits her coronation as the Democratic presidential nominee on Thursday, called the ruling “unacceptable.”

Both Democrats and Republicans have not mentioned during their conventions that more undocumented immigrants have been deported since President Barack Obama took office than during the administrations of President George W. Bush and former President Bill Clinton.

Republicans focused on immigration by mostly attacking Obama for what they saw were lenient policies.

Democrats, in turn, focused in part on policies that helped people stay in the United States.

Astrid Silva has benefited from the DREAM Act, a program that enables a path to residency for undocumented immigrants who came to the United States at a young age.

Silva told delegates of climbing into a raft when she was four years old to cross a river to meet her father in the U.S.

She said her family hardly went anywhere for fear someone would discover they were undocumented immigrants.

“When Donald Trump talks about deporting 11 million people, he’s talking about ripping families apart,” Silva said. “Hillary Clinton understands that this is not who we are as a country.”

Rep. Luis Gutierrez, D-Ill., called Trump’s proposals for mass deportations and a wall along the entire border with Mexico “a sick, hateful fantasy.”

“Immigrants contribute to communities and make America a great nation,” Gutierrez said. “Immigrants die defending our democracy and you know what they give our founding principles meaning in our time.”

Contact Rahman at remarahman@cqrollcall.com or follow her on Twitter at @remawriter

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Comedian Sarah Silverman raised some eyebrows Monday night at the Democratic convention when she sought to put some boisterous supporters of Bernie Sanders in their place.

Appearing at the podium with Sen. Al Franken, the Sanders campaigner had just finished a prime-time call for party unity when a Sanders' supporters registered their displeasure.

"To the 'Bernie or Bust' people, you are being ridiculous," she said.

"Bernie's already succeeded in so many ways," she said. "He proved that citizens united is not in fact a necessary evil."

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Bernie Sanders arrives in Philadelphia vanquished but unbowed.

Platform negotiations brought compromises he can support on the issues that framed his campaign: trade protection, affordable college and universal health care. His call for the ouster of Democratic National Committee Chairwoman Debbie Wasserman Schultz has been honored . And he has a prominent speaking role at the convention Monday night.

But his supporters — protesting in the streets, shouting down party leaders and threatening to disrupt speeches on the floor — could undermine hard-fought negotiations to unify the Democratic Party in advance on November's election.

[ Full Coverage of the Democratic National Convention ]

Beyond Philadelphia, though, it remains unclear whether Sanders and his call for a revolution will have a lasting imprint on the party. Almost a quarter-century after President Bill Clinton pulled the party to the center, Sanders wants to push it back to the left. And he’s promising to do so by mobilizing his legions of supporters and leveraging his formidable fundraising ability to elect progressive candidates up and down the ballot.

The question then is whether Sanders’ movement will lead to a stronger Democratic Party or divide it, much as the tea party movement has split the GOP.

Sanders’ victory in shaping the party platform earlier this month — it is widely considered to be the most liberal in years — initially seemed to quell the dissent.

[ Democrats to Promote Positive Vision Amid Divisions ]

Sanders was pleased enough with the document — which calls for a $15 minimum wage, abolition of the death penalty and free community college — that he endorsed Clinton earlier this month two days after it became final. At the same time, he’s argued that it doesn’t go far enough. In particular, Sanders would have liked a plank critical of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the sweeping trade deal President Barack Obama has pushed but that both Sanders and Clinton oppose.

The apparent peace between the party's factions dissolved late last week when Wikileaks released a series of DNC emails that suggested committee staff were working against Sanders. Clinton's decision to pick Virginia Sen. Tim Kaine as her running mate angered some Sanders supporters, who had hoped for a more progressive vice presidential candidate.

[ Wasserman Schultz Will Step Down As DNC Chair ]

Protesters arrived in full force Sunday, marching through the streets of Philadelphia. Even after Wasserman Schultz stepped down from the committee chairmanship, protesters shouted the Florida congresswoman down at a Monday morning breakfast with her state delegation. House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi was also heckled at a California delegation breakfast.

Sanders has already vowed to support Wasserman Schultz's opponent in her August congressional primary . That is just one small piece of a broader effort to elect more progressive candidates across the country, making public calls for like-minded people to step up and run for office.

“What we need is people standing up, running for school board, and we need other people to be helping them win,” Sanders told supporters in Albany, New York, in late June. “And we need people running for city council, for mayor, you know, for state legislature.”

In a live-stream address to supporters in June, Sanders asked for people interested in seeking local office or campaigning for those who do to contact his operation through a new page on his website. In the first week, roughly 20,000 did. Now the Vermont independent seems ready to put his ability to raise large sums from small-dollar contributions to work for his movement.

[ Trump Tries to Woo Sanders Supporters by Trolling Trump ]

“We are prepared to try to help you. We have millions and millions of names. One of the things that we’re doing right now is we have given support to ... a number of candidates running for Congress, running for state legislature,” Sanders said.

Another Vermonter, former Democratic Gov. Howard Dean , used the support he gained in the 2004 presidential election to launch an organization, Democracy for America, dedicated to expanding progressive influence in those down-ballot races. The organization is encouraging Sanders to do the same.

“It would be an incredible asset to have an organization coming out of Bernie Sanders’ campaign that we can work with and partner with,” said Neil Sroka, a spokesman for the group.

Sanders’ efforts in down-ballot races in 2016 have had mixed results. Though some of his candidates lost, he helped them raise hundreds of thousands of dollars, allowing them to remain competitive in their primaries.

Lucy Flores, a former member of the Nevada state Assembly, was one of them. Sanders’ fundraising email on her behalf brought in more than $400,000. A Democrat, Flores ultimately lost the primary to state Sen. Ruben Kihuen who gets to take on Republican Rep. Cresent Hardy in the state's 4th District in November. But she helped change the conversation in the race with her strident criticism of Wall Street.

[ Sanders Delegates Weigh Kaine Challenge ]

Flores said it was “inevitable” that the Sanders campaign will morph into a campaign operation for progressive candidates. But her loss indicates that it’s not going to be easy to change the party. “This is not a change that is going to occur overnight,” she said.

Strategists who are asked about the Sanders’ effect down-ballot often point to Zephyr Teachout’s win in the Democratic primary in upstate New York’s 19th Congressional District. The incumbent, Republican Chris Gibson, is not running and it’s a prime pickup opportunity for the Democrats.

But it’s not clear how much Sanders had to do with Teachout’s primary win. Though the senator helped raise money for her campaign, she had immense name recognition from a previous gubernatorial run and was one of the favorites from the start.

Democratic consultant Rick Ridder said the key for more down-ballot success is picking the right candidates and analyzing changing demographics that reflect potential pickup opportunities.

“If you’re going to go pick cherries, you got to know where the cherries are,” Ridder said.

As the Sanders campaign weighs its next moves, some of his supporters are taking matters into their own hands. Several former staffers formed “Brand New Congress,” a group with an ambitious plan to run hundreds of candidates in 2018.

[ The Emotional Life of Sanders Supporters ]

The goal is to back more “Berniecrats,” or candidates who run on Sanders’ platform, and take over the Congress in one fell swoop. The founders believe that thinking big keeps people energized.

“If you ask somebody to do something big, to win something big, then people show up,” said Becky Bond, a former senior adviser to the Sanders campaign.

Bond spoke at a gathering of 3,000 activists and Sanders supporters in Chicago in June called “The People’s Summit .” She said the energy was strong and people were eager to figure out their next steps.

Part of the challenge is uniting all the different groups and pockets of supporters, and channeling that energy to make real change. Some of these groups include more established progressive organizations like MoveOn.org and Democracy for America. The Sanders campaign also spurred others, such as Millennials for Sanders, which is now considering becoming a political action committee.

[ Will Sanders Hill Internship Be Hottest Ticket for Wonky Millennials? ]

“I think everyone’s going to have to find their spot,” said Katy Hellman, a former Sanders campaign staffer. “But we do need to find a way to continue to support each other and maintain collaboration.”

Hellman worked on a team that coordinated grass-roots groups of Sanders supporters on the ground who traveled to different states, giving them training and tools to help the campaign.

When her team was cut during a campaign shake-up, she reached out to her contacts, who were eager to maintain their momentum. Since then, she has been working on corralling the more than 80 groups and developing a website to mobilize them.

“I’m sort of operating under the impression that we’re going to do this on our own,” Hellman said.

One question is the extent to which these supporters will back candidates within the Democratic Party or challenge sitting Democrats in an attempt to make the party more progressive.

“My guess is when push comes to shove a lot of these young people will end up Democrats, but I think it’s quite possible they create a tea party-like movement on the left,” said Democratic strategist Brad Bannon.

[ Democrats May Find Occupy Movement Is Not That Into Them ]

But other Democrats were skeptical that the progressive movement would go that far.

Montana Sen. Jon Tester, who heads the party’s Senate campaign arm, hopes to work with Sanders and said he’s not concerned about the Vermont independent trying to unseat incumbents.

That’s the prevailing view on Capitol Hill. “I don’t think Bernie Sanders is going to turn into Jim DeMint,” said Connecticut Sen. Christopher S. Murphy, referring to the former South Carolina Republican senator who now runs the Heritage Foundation and has turned the once-staid think tank into a campaign operation for conservatives. Murphy is one of the vast majority of Senate Democrats who endorsed Clinton.

“I could be wrong. I just don’t think that that’s his intent,” Murphy said. “I think he’ll get a lot more done by becoming an influential voice inside the caucus … I’m not suggesting he’s never going to support a primary candidate. But I don’t think his intent is to go create a big outside organization to primary lots of incumbent members.”

Bond said progressives are not a left-wing version of the tea party, but rather a burgeoning movement finding its strength. “We’re not talking about a very vocal minority like the tea party who are willing to go to extreme lengths to impact the outcome of policy decisions,” she said. “What we’re seeing is ‘little d’ democracy exploding.”

“The to-do list is beat Trump, elect progressives, shape the platform and keep building the movement energy by giving people stuff to do,” said Ben Wikler, the Washington director for MoveOn.org, which backed Sanders in the primaries.

[ Sanders Signals He'll Work With Clinton to Beat Trump ]

No matter in what direction Sanders’ movement goes, Democratic leaders have taken notice of his supporters.

“I think we used to view Bernie and his followers as an important small part of our party. Now we have learned that it’s a larger part of our party,” said Richard J. Durbin of Illinois, the Democrats’ Senate whip. “And he has shown with a very dynamic and effective campaign that there are many people who are looking for progressive answers to the challenges we face.”

Sanders supporters said they want to seize this moment and make sure the passion that fueled Sanders’ campaign does not fade. “One of the things that I know is that they’re not going home,” said Bond.

Contact Lesniewski at nielslesniewski@cqrollcall.com and follow him on Twitter @nielslesniewski .

Contact Bowman at bridgetbowman@rollcall.com and follow her on Twitter @bridgetbhc .

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Politics

Get the latest from Day 1 at the DNC

By Roll Call Staff
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Philadelphia last hosted the Democratic National Convention in 1948 and the Republican National Convention in 2000. Who were the chairs of each of those conventions?

A) Scoop Jackson / Phil Gramm

B) Sam Rayburn / Trent Lott

C) Adlai Stevenson / Mitch McConnell

D) Alben Barkley / Rudy Giuliani

Hillary Clinton, barring the unforeseen, will officially clinch the Democratic nomination this week in Philadelphia. Besides her 2008 performance, which woman won the most delegates at a national convention?

A) Pat Schroeder, 1992 DNC

B) Shirley Chisholm, 1972 DNC

C) Ellen McCormack, 1976 DNC

D) Margaret Chase Smith, 1964 RNC

[ Last week's Trivia Tuesday: GOP Convention Edition ]

Email your answer to HOH@rollcall.com and the first correct answer will get a shout out!

Alex Clearfield contributed to this report.

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With the RNC done in Cleveland and the Trump/Pence ticket secured, Roll Call Chief Content Officer David Ellis provides insight to the coming week's events in Philadelphia.

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Gay rights — and the Republican Party's complicated relationship with the issue — is likely play a prominent role at this week's Democratic National Convention, with Donald Trump's stated embrace of the "LGBTQ community" still lingering in the air.

"I expect Democratic leaders to directly denounce his veiled attempt to suggest he's anything but an enemy of LGBT rights," said Eric Stern, the director of LGBT outreach for the Democratic National Committee during the 2004 presidential campaign. "It's firing people up, both people who are members of the community, and allies of the community. It's engaging us like never before."

Trump's comments during the closing night of the Republican National Convention, and the responding applause from the Cleveland audience, was considered a watershed moment for the GOP.

It was the first time a Republican presidential nominee has mentioned gay rights during a convention address, and it capped a series of GOP speakers who did the same in spite of a party platform that rejected many core principles of the LGBT movement.

[ 'Proud to be Gay' — A Different Message For The Republican Convention ]

But rather than disarm Democrats on the issue, as Fox news moderator Megyn Kelly suggested, Trump instead provided an opening for the party to present a more inclusive alternative, strategists said.

Democrats are expected to call attention to their historic support for gay marriage — the 2012 Democratic convention featured three openly gay members of Congress as speakers and a record number of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender delegates hailing from all 50 states.

The party is also expected to call for more action on LGBT issues, including the passage of a civil rights bill and a rejection of laws that allow discrimination based on gender identity or sexual orientation.

David Mixner, a longtime Democratic strategist and an LGBT rights advocate who has worked on several presidential campaigns, acknowledged the historic nature of Trump's comments, but said it would take more than that to match the Democrats' record on gay rights.

"Look, we’re not fools," he said. "We know who's our friend and who's not. This has been one of the toughest years we have had with the religious freedom laws and outright unbelievable expression of homophobia by the Trump campaign."

[ Human Rights Campaign: Trump Would be Disaster for LGBT Americans ]

The GOP platform adopted during last week's convention preserved opposition to gay marriage and to bathroom choice for transgender people. It also adopted language considered an admonishment to gay parents, saying kids raised by a mother and father tend to be “physically and emotionally healthier.”

Trump's running mate Mike Pence is a conservative evangelical who as Indiana's governor opposed gay marriage and signed a law — later revised — that allowed business owners to refuse service to gay customers.

"Just saying the word gay or mentioning our existence doesn't erase the reality of the political histories of many of the speakers — or their attempts to undermine equality at every turn," said Jay Brown, communications director of the Human Rights Campaign, a leading LGBT-advocacy group.

Contact Akin at stephanieakin@rollcall.com and follow her on Twitter at @stephanieakin .

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After a contentious Democratic primary season in which presumptive presidential nominee Hillary Clinton was accused of being too cozy with corporate interests, many such players will keep a low profile at the party’s national convention.

Major business groups and financial institutions either played coy about their plans or said they were skipping the event altogether.

The Securities Industry and Financial Markets Association, the Consumer Bankers Association and the National Association of Manufacturers had no plans for the Democratic convention, the trade groups say. Citigroup declined comment. Goldman Sachs didn’t respond to an inquiry about its role. The Financial Services Roundtable didn’t offer details, either.

But even with some of K Street’s major players either sitting out the events or keeping it on the down-low, lobbyists and an array of their clients plan to hit Philadelphia with a new sense of freedom. Unlike Barack Obama, who famously banned lobbyists from contributing to his campaigns or to the Democratic National Conventions in 2008 and 2012, lobbyists’ money is welcome again.

“There may be more sensitivities because of the primary challenge and the perceived influence of big donors and Wall Street specifically, but I don’t see any evidence of a major shift,” says Sheila Krumholz, head of the Center for Responsive Politics. “The purpose of the modern political convention is to both rally the base and fundraise like heck and to continue to stroke the donors so they continue to give.”

Though Obama’s restrictions on lobbyists led to some of them sporting, irreverently, scarlet letter Ls at the president’s first convention in Denver, such stunts aren’t likely at the off-site party scene around Philadelphia over the week.

The National Retail Federation, for one, will host a big bash at the National Constitution Center on July 27 celebrating women in the industry, says David French, the organization’s senior vice president for government relations.

“It’s not going to have an overtly partisan flavor, but it is at the convention,” says French, a one-time aide to then-Sen. Rick Santorum, a Pennsylvania Republican. “It’s a great opportunity to have a good time with friends of the industry and to acknowledge the process and to acknowledge things in retail that are very important.”

QVC, a member of the retail federation, is based in Philadelphia and will have a signature role, French notes. “We’ll invite a wide range of folks from the Hill, from the Philadelphia retail community, from the national retail community and friends all around the country,” he says.

Lobbying associations with convention plans typically try to “facilitate some kind of conversation for their industry,” explains J.P. Moery, whose Moery Co. consults for associations. “Organizations see it as important to be present in a very important time around the political and elected leaders in this country. This is the Super Bowl for those two parties, and it’s important to be present.”

For months, lawyer Kenneth Gross has fielded inquiries from clients about the dos and don’ts of hosting convention shindigs. Modest receptions and hospitality suites are usually fine, says the head of the political law practice at Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom.

But since not all attendees are subject to identical rules, it can get tricky. Most groups organize their events to comply with House and Senate gift rules, Gross says, but some states put even tougher restrictions on their officials, while political appointees in the Obama administration must follow strict ethics orders they signed when taking their jobs.

“It is challenging to navigate,” Gross says. “I also have people be prepared to give an amount of the value if someone wants to attend, so they could pay their own way.”

Lobbying groups that want to put on more than a reception with food and drink of nominal value may opt to host a charitable event. This allows them to host dinners, music concerts and even golf outings. As long as more than 50 percent of the proceeds go to charity, then an event likely qualifies for the charity exemption, Gross says.

Along those lines, HeadCount, a nonprofit that registers voters at concerts around the country, wanted to increase its profile among the politically savvy convention-goers this year.

So for the first time, HeadCount planned events at both conventions, including a July 25 concert benefiting the organization headlined by songwriter Grace Potter, the band Dawes and other special guests, says lobbyist Diane Blagman of the firm Greenberg Traurig.

Blagman, who serves on HeadCount’s board, says the event will take place at the iconic Electric Factory in Philadelphia. “We’re a nonpartisan organization that works with musicians to promote democracy,” says Blagman, whose lobbying clients include the Grammys.

Participating musicians include the Dave Matthews Band, Jay Z and Phish, among others. HeadCount tabulates that its network of volunteers, who travel with the bands, have registered more than 300,000 voters since starting in 2004.

For some K Street denizens, the official convention will steal the show. A collection of lobbyists will attend as superdelegates — casting votes that carry more weight than regular delegates on the convention floor.

Among them are former Sens. Chris Dodd of Connecticut and Louisiana’s Mary Landrieu. Dodd, a former chairman of the Senate Banking Committee who now runs the Motion Picture Association of America, doesn’t plan to put on any star-studded events for the Hollywood lobby, but he’s going with the Nutmeg State delegation as a Clinton supporter, a spokesman says.

Landrieu, a lobbyist with the firm Van Ness Feldman, has raised at least $45,000 for Clinton’s presidential coffers and was elected as a super delegate from her home state.

“I cannot wait to cast my vote for Hillary Clinton,” says Landrieu, a former Senate Energy chairman whose clients include Xavier University of Louisiana.

“Of course, we hope for unity among our delegates,” Landrieu says. “So far, things seem to be moving in a very good direction.”

Unity is also top of mind for another lobbyist, Marcus Sebastian Mason, a partner with The Madison Group, who confesses to being a “dreaded, maligned, often misunderstood” super delegate from California for Clinton.

“I hope the message coming out of the convention is that our party is unified and singularly focused on winning in November,” says Mason, whose clients include Google, Sberbank CIB USA Inc. and Energy Future Holdings.

Mason says his most important job at the convention is to “cast my vote for the next president of the United States. ... The reality is this country has serious issues and can only be handled by serious people.”

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Even though Sen. Bernie Sanders is supporting Hillary Clinton after the Democratic National Committee email scandal , Donald Trump is using it as a way to try to pry supporters way from Sanders.

Trump is fanning the flames of the DNC email scandal by saying Clinton rigged the system from the beginning and Sanders did not have a chance to win, a refrain among Sanders supporter that Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz had rigged the system: Crooked Hillary Clinton knew everything that her "servant" was doing at the DNC - they just got caught, that's all! They laughed at Bernie. — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) July 25, 2016

Here we go again with another Clinton scandal, and e-mails yet (can you believe). Crooked Hillary knew the fix was in, B never had a chance! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) July 25, 2016

The State of Florida is so embarrassed by the antics of Crooked Hillary Clinton and Debbie Wasserman Schultz that they will vote for CHANGE! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) July 25, 2016

In a series of tweets, Trump has said Sanders has turned into a "pathetic figure" as a way to wedge Sanders supporters away from their candidate:

There is no longer a Bernie Sanders "political revolution." He is turning out to be a weak and somewhat pathetic figure,wants it all to end! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) July 24, 2016

Sorry folks, but Bernie Sanders is exhausted, just can't go on any longer. He is trying to dismiss the new e-mails and DNC disrespect. SAD! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) July 24, 2016

Even though Bernie Sanders has lost his energy and his strength, I don't believe that his supporters will let Crooked Hillary off the hook! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) July 24, 2016

If Bernie Sanders, after seeing the just released e-mails, continues to look exhausted and done, then his legacy will never be the same. — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) July 25, 2016

But Sanders didn't take Trump's bait and he thinks neither will most of his supporters.

Sanders live tweeted some of his anger towards Trump during the Republican nominee speech before the Republican National Convention: What a hypocrite! If Trump wants to "fix" trade he can start by making his products in the US, not low-wage countries abroad. #RNCwithBernie — Bernie Sanders (@BernieSanders) July 22, 2016

Trump’s economic plan: same old, same old trickle-down economics. Pathetic. #RNCwithBernie — Bernie Sanders (@BernieSanders) July 22, 2016

Sanders also went on "This Week" on Sunday to unequivocally state that "Trump has got to be defeated." .@BernieSanders: "Most of my supporters understand Trump has got to be defeated" #ThisWeek https://t.co/bCfWE3Rsvt — ABC News Politics (@ABCPolitics) July 24, 2016

"I think the vast majority of our supporters understand that in Donald Trump, and I say this not happily, somebody who lies all of the time. Somebody who wins his campaign by viscious attacks against his opponents," Sanders said.

"But I think most of my supporters think most of my supporters understand Trump has got to be defeated," Sanders said. "We need to elect as many progressive as possible and we need to continue the fight to create an agenda which works for working families and not just for wealthy campaign contributors."

The Vermont Democrat is going to speak to the Democratic National Convention Monday night to outline his progressive agenda and is expected to reaffirm his support for Clinton.

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Heard on the Hill

Arizona's Kyrsten Sinema Spins Through Her Day

By Simone Pathé
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Nevada state Sen. Ruben Kihuen is the sole House Democratic recruit the Democratic National Convention Committee has touted as a major speaker in Philadelphia this week.

The selection of a Hispanic state legislator underscores Democrats’ desire to showcase diversity on stage this week, while also promoting a candidate who has a good opportunity to flip a red seat blue.

Democrats must net 30 seats to win control of the House and four to win control of the Senate (if Hillary Clinton wins the presidency). The party has touted the strength and diversity of its recruits this cycle, but many of its competitive recruits are steering clear of the convention.

Kihuen is an establishment favorite — he was Harry Reid’s pick — and defeated both an EMILY's List-backed candidate and Bernie Sanders-backed candidate in the June primary.

“I look forward to sharing my experiences as an immigrant, the values my hard-working parents instilled in me, and my vision for a more inclusive America,” Kihuen said in a statement after the Democratic National Convention Committee announced him as a speaker late last week.

Kihuen is running in Nevada’s 4th District , currently held by GOP Rep. Cresent Hardy, the second most vulnerable member of the House .

The freshman Republican unseated a Democrat by less than 3 points in a low turnout year, and President Barack Obama carried the district comfortably in 2012. In this district that’s 29 percent Hispanic, Donald Trump and his comments about Hispanics may also be a liability down-ticket .

All of that makes for unfavorable environment for an incumbent Republican who’s seen as too conservative for the district.

Hardy lead Kihuen with cash on hand at the end of the second quarter, but now that his primary is over, Democrats are likely to invest more heavily in Kihuen and make sure he has the resources to be competitive.

[ Democrats Aim to Reduce 30-Seat House Deficit with Help from Trump ]

Nevada’s 4th District is among the party’s top pick-up opportunities in what they hope is an expanded battle field. With Trump at the top of the ticket, Democrats have recruited candidates in even red seats to take advantage of a wave.

But Kihuen is the only one of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee’s 38 Red to Blue candidates who, as of now, is scheduled to have a visible place on stage this week.

Other candidates will appear on stage — but via video — with DCCC Chairman Ben Ray Luján on Tuesday night.

[ The Seats Democrats Must Win to Retake House ]

Other notable candidates expected to attend the convention include former Orlando Police Chief Val Demings, who’s running in Florida’s 10th District. The Democratic establishment has rallied behind Demings in her August primary. The June shooting at a gay nightclub in Orlando has underscored her experience as an African American with law enforcement experience , who’s also been an outspoken advocate for gun safety reform.

California’s Nanette Barragan, another EMILY’s List candidate, is running in the open 44th District, and is also expected to attend.

New York Democrat Tom Suozzi, who’s running to succeed Rep. Steve Israel, will be in Philadelphia. He won a competitive primary last month, and is trying to keep Israel’s Long Island district in Democratic hands. The Rothenberg & Gonzales Report/Roll Call rates his race Tilts Democrat .

Former Florida Gov. Charlie Crist, a former Republican who spoke at the 2012 Democratic National Convention, will be at this convention, too. He’s running for the state’s 13th District, which became much more Democratic in recent redistricting , and faces GOP Rep. David Jolly , one of this year’s most vulnerable incumbents .

Meanwhile, candidates like Colorado state Sen. Gail Schwartz and Indiana's Shelli Yoder , both Red to Blue candidates running in safe Republican districts, are steering clear.

At the Senate level, Illinois Rep. Tammy Duckworth will be speaking , likely on the same night Clinton accepts the nomination. She's running in a Leans Democratic race against GOP Sen. Mark Kirk.

New Hampshire Gov. Maggie Hassan, who's challenging GOP Sen. Kelly Ayotte, will be in Philadelphia but she is not scheduled to speak on stage during the convention. Similarly, former Ohio Gov. Ted Strickland, who's challenging Sen. Rob Portman, is attending with his delegation but not speaking.

Pennsylvania Democrat Katie McGinty will be participating in an EMILY’s List event and holding media availabilities during the week. She’d be the first woman to represent the Keystone State in the Senate. California Attorney General Kamala Harris, who would be the second-ever African American woman elected to the Senate, will also be present during the convention.

[ Kamala Harris Aims to Make History in California, Again ]

Iowa Democrat Patty Judge, the former lieutenant governor, is waging an uphill battle against Judiciary Committee Chairman Chuck Grassley. She'll be on hand this week. Judge’s star has risen as Democrats have sought to hit Republicans — and Grassley in particular — for blocking the nomination of the president’s choice to fill the vacancy on the Supreme Court.

[ Obama Backs Patty Judge in Iowa Senate Race ]

But many recruits have said they are still determining their schedules, with the many choosing to remain in their districts to campaign.

Many more Republicans with competitive races mostly stayed far away from their party’s national convention in Cleveland last week. The exceptions were Wisconsin Sen. Ron Johnson , who addressed the convention during prime-time, and North Carolina Sen. Richard Burr , who met with his delegation but avoided the Quicken Loans Arena altogether.

[ This Vulnerable Senator Is Not Afraid of Donald Trump ]

The need to campaign in their districts during the summer recess is a reality for candidates on both sides of the aisle, but the degree to which incumbents and recruits are steering clear of their party conventions may also say something about the relatively unpopularity of each nominee and the desire among candidates to run their own races.

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Opinion

Hillary Clinton's 'Law and Order' Problem

By Mary C. Curtis
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