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Paul M. Krawzak covers the budget as a staff writer at Congressional Quarterly. In the past few years, he has reported on the Simpson-Bowles Commission, the Budget Control Act and the Joint Deficit Reduction Committee deliberations.
Prior to joining CQ, he wrote about Congress, the Pentagon and business for the Copley News Service Washington Bureau and San Diego Union-Tribune. Previously, he covered Illinois politics at Copley's Chicago Bureau, and before that, worked as a reporter and editor at newspapers in Illinois and Michigan.
A Detroit native, Paul earned a B.A. in English and economics from Hillsdale College.
The Congressional Budget Office estimated Friday that repealing the health care law would increase the federal deficit by $137 billion from fiscal 2016 to 2025 using a dynamic score, compared to $353 billion under traditional scoring practices.
Several Republican senators are moving forward with plans to try to further limit the use in the appropriations process of so-called CHIMPs, which they say in one instance have deprived crime victims of billions of dollars’ worth of assistance.
An effort by Senate Republicans to scale back something they consider a budget gimmick was weakened but not stopped in the fiscal 2016 budget resolution.
Congress is diving deeper than ever before into dynamic scoring, in the wake of new requirements in the fiscal 2016 budget resolution.
The Congressional Budget Office and Joint Committee on Taxation use complex macroeconomic models for dynamic scoring.
Momentum is building among conservative senators to scrap an exemption from budget laws in the House-passed "doc fix" deal, a move that would pressure Congress to offset $141 billion of the package's cost not currently paid for later this year, outside groups say.
Budget maneuvers congressional Republicans are undertaking suggest the statutory discretionary spending caps, which some lawmakers consider a major party accomplishment, may not survive a GOP-controlled Congress.
Republicans on the House and Senate Budget committees are striving to craft fiscal 2016 budget resolutions tailored to win the support of their divergent GOP caucuses, but still similar enough to allow for compromise.
President Barack Obama and congressional Democrats would like to get rid of the sequester. Many Republicans want more money for defense. That would seem to offer a potential formula for a budget agreement.
More than 100 cost-savings proposals, due out from the Heritage Foundation on Thursday, could provide ammunition for conservative lawmakers in coming debates over restructuring entitlement programs, addressing the post-sequester discretionary spending caps, reauthorizing the Highway Trust Fund and raising the debt limit.
House Republicans are moving to increase the use of dynamic scoring through a rules change that would require long-term estimates of the economic effects of major legislation.
Flush from their capture of the Senate, Republicans in both chambers are reviewing more than a dozen potential candidates to succeed Douglas W. Elmendorf as director of the Congressional Budget Office after his term expires Jan. 3.
At 40 years of age, the federal Budget Act bears the scars of fiscal battles dating from the Nixon administration, but its influence over legislation and spending has grown and deepened in ways that its authors couldn’t have imagined.
For Democratic lawmakers who were hesitant to sign onto the sweeping 2010 health care law, one of the most powerful selling points was that the Affordable Care Act would actually reduce the federal budget deficit, despite the additional costs of extending health insurance coverage to the uninsured.
The House budget resolution that has served as a manifesto of Republican Party principles in the past three years is about to get still more conservative.
Some lawmakers and experts dispute the notion that a new budget resolution laden with conservative policies would be a drag on GOP electoral prospects, arguing it may help Republicans energize their base amid the typical low turnout of midterm elections.
Senate Budget Chairwoman Patty Murray confirmed Friday that the Senate will not move a fiscal 2015 budget resolution even as House Budget Chairman Paul D. Ryan began meetings with fellow Republicans aimed at crafting a House tax and spending blueprint for the fiscal year starting Oct. 1.
Assessments of a proposal by Senate Democrats this month to offset the cost of extending emergency unemployment benefits by temporarily reducing companies’ pension payments won rare agreement from the right and the left.
The Congressional Budget Office’s dismissal of a legislated cap on war spending marks a rare case in which the nonpartisan research arm of Congress effectively tossed out an offset as essentially mistaken accounting.
Fresh off a budget deal triumph, Sen. Patty Murray may be tempted to use her seniority to leave the Budget Committee chairmanship next year to succeed retiring Sen. Tom Harkin as chairwoman of the Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee.
Although he is relatively new to the Senate and to politics, Wisconsin Republican Ron Johnson is making waves on budget issues. Over recent months, the tea-party-backed conservative has emerged as the numbers point man for a group of GOP senators who are holding private deficit reduction talks with White House Chief of Staff Denis McDonough and other administration officials.
A tea party favorite whose election to the Senate in 2010 marked his entry into electoral politics, Ron Johnson has displayed a genial demeanor that’s won friends on Capitol Hill even as he’s remained committed to the tough deficit-cutting talk that helped bring him to Washington.
Senate Budget Chairwoman Patty Murray wants Republicans to engage in budget negotiations to replace the sequester before the August recess, saying bipartisan talks provide the only way for the parties to agree on higher defense spending levels.
The aging of the American population is a decidedly different story from region to region.
When Congress created Medicare in 1965 to handle the health care needs of the older population, less than 10 percent of Americans were old enough to collect Social Security and the new medical benefit.