More than a decade after the United States withdrew from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty and began fielding an initial missile defense capability, the U.S. missile defense program is but a shadow of the robust program needed to protect the nation.
Because the United States and its allies face numerous missile threats from multiple potential adversaries, the George W. Bush administration pursued a layered defense against missiles of all ranges in all phases of flight. This included deployment of a modest number of anti-missile interceptors in Alaska and California, primarily to counter North Korean launches against the U.S. homeland.
This Ground-Based Midcourse Defense system was to be a building block for more robust capabilities. As the White House noted in 2003, “These capabilities will serve as a starting point for fielding improved and expanded missile defense capabilities later,” which could include “a family of boost-phase and midcourse hit-to-kill interceptors based on sea-, air-, and ground-based platforms” and “development and testing of space-based defenses.”
Since then, although potentially hostile states have expanded their missile capabilities, U.S. missile defense programs have been cut, with promising technologies curtailed or eliminated and funding priorities driven by a quest for elusive budget efficiencies that subordinate long-term strategy to short-term fiscal considerations. Moreover, the effectiveness of the GMD system has been questioned due to several failed intercepts — including the last three consecutive tests — resulting in an overall success rate of only 50 percent.
Consequently, the United States is banking on a single missile defense system deployed in limited numbers and of uncertain reliability to protect the entire country from the evolving threat. Defending the nation from missile attack is technically challenging, and exclusive reliance on a single system is neither wise nor prudent. The United States clearly needs what some in Congress have called a “hedge.”
U.S. nuclear forces have long been based on a triad of land, sea and air platforms to ensure the robustness of the strategic nuclear deterrent. Like a diversified stock portfolio that minimizes risk by spreading assets, the triad is a hedge against the technical failure of, or the ability of an opponent to counter, one or more legs. It serves the nation well and, despite occasional calls to abandon it, every administration — including the current one — has reiterated support for the triad because of the diversified approach it embodies.
Similarly, our missile defense posture should be one of “defensive diversity,” where we don’t put all our interceptor eggs in one basket. To ensure robustness, the GMD system should be augmented with other systems capable of defending the U.S. homeland.
The Aegis-based Standard Missile-3 offers such a potential and has a superb test record. Since 2002, the SM-3 has scored 26 intercepts in 32 tests, an impressive 81 percent success rate. The missile’s Block IA version is effective against a range of short- to intermediate-range missile threats, while the latest version — the Block IB — achieved its fifth consecutive successful intercept earlier this month. With adequate sensor data, the SM-3 can be upgraded to counter missile threats of even greater range and sophistication.
From left, Lisa Peng, daughter of Peng Ming, Grace Ge Geng, daughter of Gao Zhisheng, and Ti-Anna Wang, daughter of Wang Bingzhang, hold pictures of their imprisoned fathers during a House Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations hearing in the Rayburn House Office Building titled “Their Daughters Appeal to Beijing: ‘Let Our Fathers Go!’”
Each year since 1990, CQ Roll Call has reviewed the financial disclosures of all 541 senators, representatives and delegates to determine the 50 richest members of Congress. This year's report, derived from forms covering the calendar year 2012, shows it took a net worth of $6.67 million to crack the exclusive club.