If GOP outside groups had not helped Mitt Romney (above), he would have been badly outspent by President Barack Obama.
Updated: 11:12 a.m.
It’s been tempting for pundits and analysts to cast Republican super PACs and advocacy organizations as the big losers in this election.
GOP-allied groups spent the vast bulk of the more than $1 billion that outside groups showered on the campaign, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. That doesn’t even include the additional tens of millions of dollars that politically active nonprofits, many affiliated with the GOP, spent on “issue ads” that fall outside the reporting rules.
But while Republicans have already launched into recriminations and second-guessing, it’s too early to write off the GOP’s well-funded super PAC and nonprofit allies. Republicans have built up an influential network of unrestricted outside groups that is here to stay and whose organizers are poised to shift their focus from the campaign trail to high-dollar policy fights over taxes and spending.
To be sure, Republican super PACs such as American Crossroads and Restore Our Future spent hundreds of millions of dollars on campaign ads and other expenditures and failed to deliver either the White House or the Senate to the GOP. The battle for control of the House, too, did not appreciably change the status quo.
But had GOP outside groups not swooped in to help GOP nominee Mitt Romney, the former Massachusetts governor would have been badly outspent by President Barack Obama. The effect of super PACs and their allies, moreover, was greatest in House contests further down the ballot.
Even so, the results bore out the political science adage that campaign money reaches a point of diminishing returns. Candidates must raise enough to hit the minimum threshold spending to introduce themselves to voters and get their messages out. But once that threshold is reached, additional money doesn’t necessarily pay dividends.
That may help explain why Democrat-friendly super PACs and nonprofits, while vastly outspent by their GOP counterparts, are engaging in a little self-congratulation. The top Democratic super PACs — Priorities USA Action, Majority PAC, House Majority PAC and American Bridge 21st Century — won over some big donors but never caught up with their GOP counterparts. But their presence was crucial, Democrats argue, in helping define Romney early on and in blunting the GOP outside money advantage.
“This could have been a whole lot worse had we not all participated,” said Rodell Mollineau, president of American Bridge 21st Century. Mollineau’s opposition research group spent only about $335,400 on ads and $15 million overall, between its super PAC and affiliated nonprofit. But American Bridge took credit for publicizing Missouri GOP Rep. Todd Akin’s politically fatal “legitimate rape” comment, which arguably cost him his Senate bid.
On January 3, Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand, D-N.Y., raises her right hand as her son Henry messes up her hair while Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr., delivers the ceremonial swearing-in in the Old Senate Chamber. Gillibrand's other son Theodore, lower right, looks on.
Each year since 1990, CQ Roll Call has reviewed the financial disclosures of all 541 senators, representatives and delegates to determine the 50 richest members of Congress. This year's report, derived from forms covering the calendar year 2012, shows it took a net worth of $6.67 million to crack the exclusive club.