Reid’s trusted allies have been giving high-profile speeches on fiscal issues in the past few months.
Reid did not commission or approve Durbin’s speech Tuesday nor Schumer’s speech last month at the National Press Club in which he denounced using tax revenues to lower rates. Reid also didn’t greenlight Murray’s July address that in many ways set the party’s marker for the current fight — that going over the fiscal cliff would be preferable to negotiating a bad deal. And Reid didn’t ask Baucus, the Senate Finance Committee chairman, to give his June speech on overhauling the tax code, tackling entitlements and “slaying some sacred cows.”
But aides say the majority leader is acutely aware of the personalities and strengths of each person in the room and that Reid often plays the senators’ internal tensions against one another to get tasks done, quipping about one leader when asking another leader to do a favor for him.
Of course, aides across Democratic leadership insist their respective bosses’ motives are pure, even as they question the motives of others. They also note that while there are some differences among the messages and opinions given by top Democrats, the core message of “Americans paying their fair share” has been consistent.
All acknowledged that Senate Democrats’ negotiating position on the fiscal cliff is secondary to the White House and House Republicans in the current talks to renew expiring tax cuts and stave off automatic discretionary cuts scheduled to begin Jan. 1. But sources say Democrats are more involved now than they were in the summer of 2011, when they found themselves out of the loop on Obama and Boehner’s talks on raising the debt limit.
The White House has been doing more outreach with Reid’s office than last time, and each key Senate Democratic player has learned from the experience.
Murray, who is slated to become Budget chairwoman in January, drew from her stint as co-chairwoman of the supercommittee when she spoke in July about the need to play chicken with Republicans on raising the top rates for highest incomes.
“For her, she saw the fact that she is the second-ranking member of the Budget Committee, saw that this was going to be a reality because of the [Joint Select Committee for Deficit Reduction], saw this was coming and that we were going to have to be tough to have leverage at the end,” said one aide familiar with her thinking at the time.
Durbin did not threaten to go over the cliff as Murray did. Instead, he sees his position as one of the more established liberals in the Senate, but one who also took part in the president’s 2010 fiscal commission and the bipartisan “gang of six” (now eight).
On Tuesday, Durbin hoped to appeal to progressives nervous about changes to entitlements and deficit reduction in general. He outlined an approach that praised the Simpson-Bowles commission recommendations for which he voted. And he advocated keeping Medicare and Social Security out of talks on the fiscal cliff, while pushing liberals to tackle those programs in the next Congress.
As the Finance chairman, Baucus attempted to lay out a view for tax reform that many Democrats have been loath to embrace, given that he has vaguely referenced getting rid of middle-class tax credits and breaks as a way to achieve comprehensive tax reform.
Terri Henderson, 6, center, whose mother is El Salvador, attends a rally with members of Congress at Union Station's Columbus Circle to announce the Restore Opportunity, Strengthen, and Improve the Economy (ROSIE) Act on July 29, 2014. The legislation provides incentives for government contractors to pay a living wage and other benefits that would help low-income workers.