Republicans, at long last, are coalescing around a broad Obamacare replacement plan, set to be released by House leadership later this month. While Republicans will undoubtedly use it to pummel vulnerable Democrats in November, the $1.4 trillion question is really what happens after November.
You might think that there’s no middle ground between repeal and replace, and repeated Democratic claims that they want to “tweak” or “fix” the law but will not roll it back. The reality is much more complicated. First, Republicans might take back the Senate, but they’re not getting a veto-proof supermajority. That ties their hands at least until there’s a Republican White House (i.e., 2017), in terms of repeal and replace.
Democrats, on the other hand, can’t help but notice that President Barack Obama has twisted the black letter law of the Affordable Care Act into an origami pretzel to avoid blowback from millions of canceled policies and irate businesses stung by the law’s expensive mandates and penalties. Every day brings another Obamacare delay, a tacit acknowledgement that the law is too heavy on mandates, regulations and penalties, and too light on provisions that lower insurance and health care costs for families, businesses and consumers.
The facts on the ground bear this out. Surveys of the most recent enrollees suggest that less than one-third were previously uninsured, with the remainder re-enrolling in exchange coverage to take advantage of taxpayer subsidies.
Many of the uninsured are finding Obamacare insurance too expensive and are opting to remain uninsured. The result: More than a decade from now, the Congressional Budget Office estimates 30 million Americans will remain uninsured — despite the U.S. government spending more than a trillion dollars on expanding Medicaid and new insurance subsidies.
One bipartisan solution to the cost problem is to deregulate the Obamacare exchanges, offering more competition, more choices and better transparency, allowing individuals and families to pick plans that meet their real needs.
Sens. Mark Warner, D-Va., and Mark Begich, D-Alaska, have already taken a critical step in this direction. They’ve offered legislation that would create a new tier of insurance on the exchanges, “Copper Plans”, with lower actuarial values and thus lower premiums. To take full advantage of this change, Congress should raise caps on out-of-pocket deductibles, offer plans with fewer mandatory benefits and allow subsidies to flow to people who pick Copper plans.
There’s clearly an appetite for these plans, which could cost 30 percent less than Silver plans — currently the benchmark for exchange coverage. At eHealthInsurance, a private health insurance exchange, less expensive Bronze plans are almost twice as popular as Silver plans; as a share of total enrollment, far more young people (39 percent versus 25 percent) are buying insurance from eHealth than Obamacare’s public exchanges, too. Bottom line: If you want the remaining price-sensitive uninsured to buy coverage, offer cheaper options.
Several other changes would noticeably expand the market for more affordable coverage. First, allow government subsidies to flow through private exchanges. Companies now operating in the private exchange space, like Aon Hewitt, might be able to set up and run exchanges more efficiently than current state or federal exchanges. They could also offer “wrap-around” coverage — such as disability or indemnity insurance — that pair well with low-cost, high deductible plans.
Vice President Joe Biden waits to conduct a mock swearing-in ceremony with Sen. Brian Schatz, D-Hawaii, in the Capitol's Old Senate Chamber, December 2, 2014. Schatz was sworn in to serve the remainder of his term since he was appointed to the seat after Sen. Daniel Inouye, D-Hawaii, passed away.