The Navy’s plan to expand its fleet relies on the Littoral Combat Ship. The vessel, used to counter mines and defeat submarines, is relatively inexpensive at almost $500 million each. But experts question whether the plan to buy 55 ships is based on need or numbers.
“The target to acquire 55 LCS, for instance, means that the Marine Corps will continue operating with 10 fewer amphibious vessels — something it needs for its basic mission function,” Rep. Duncan Hunter, R-Calif., a member of the Seapower subcommittee of the Armed Services panel, wrote in a Nov. 1 Roll Call op-ed.
Of course, if the Navy were to scale back the LCS — something officials would be loath to do after billions of dollars invested in the program — the service would need to develop another low-cost ship it could buy in bulk in order to meet its strategic and fleet-size goals.
Adm. Jonathan W. Greenert, the Navy’s top officer, has launched a high-level council to re-evaluate the program and said Nov. 16 that the LCS “is still a program that is coming into its being.”
Greenert also made clear that he isn’t exclusively driven to reach a certain fleet size.
“It’s not just the number of ships,” he said. “It’s the number of ships forward, and at what type, and what capability for what mission around the world.”
Still, comparisons to fleets of the past continue. For example, House Armed Services Chairman Howard “Buck” McKeon of California and Senate Armed Services Seapower Subcommittee ranking member Roger Wicker of Mississippi have both warned that the budget cuts set to be triggered in January under the sequester would result in a 230-ship fleet, making it the smallest Navy since World War I. The Navy had 231 ships in 1915 — a number that jumped to 774 ships by the end of the war.
But patrol boats made up nearly half of the fleet in 1918. Fleet carriers were not introduced until 1924. Today’s Navy, by comparison, has 11 nuclear-powered aircraft carriers. The Navy of 1918 boasted 80 submarines, but they were far less capable and lethal than the 71 nuclear-powered subs in the modern fleet.
“Using ship count as a metric over very long periods of time — going back over 90 years ago — that’s deeply flawed because you’re comparing ships that have vastly different capabilities,” said Todd Harrison, an analyst at the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments.
Counting ships, Harrison added, should be only one of many measurements of the Navy’s effectiveness. “What you want to get to is what are the capabilities you want in your Navy,” he said.
Republican Rep. J. Randy Forbes of Virginia, a senior House Armed Services member, however, argues that comparing ship numbers over the years provides a historical reference for tracking trends in the size of fleets.
“It’s fair to show the direction that we’re going,” he said. “Sometimes you need touchstones to show those directions.”
Forbes and other hawkish Republicans on the Armed Services panel, including fellow Virginian Rob Wittman, acknowledge that size isn’t the only way to measure the Navy’s might. But, they say, it’s an important metric and should be weighed along with the specific makeup of the fleet.
“Quantity is a quality all its own,” Wittman quipped.
On January 3, Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand, D-N.Y., raises her right hand as her son Henry messes up her hair while Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr., delivers the ceremonial swearing-in in the Old Senate Chamber. Gillibrand's other son Theodore, lower right, looks on.
Each year since 1990, CQ Roll Call has reviewed the financial disclosures of all 541 senators, representatives and delegates to determine the 50 richest members of Congress. This year's report, derived from forms covering the calendar year 2012, shows it took a net worth of $6.67 million to crack the exclusive club.