The Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990, ratified 23 years ago this month, is based on what was then a radical idea: that the physical and social environment people with disabilities face is as much responsible for their inability to fully integrate into society as their health-based impairments. But despite the improvements mandated by the ADA, the employment rate of working-age Americans with disabilities (aged 16-64) hit an all-time low of 14.5 percent in March 2012 (latest number available) ó by comparison, it was 28.6 percent in March 1990 and 18.7 percent in March 2007, just before the Great Recession.
Congress must recognize that this precipitous drop in employment is not the result of an increase in the severity of work limitations or of growing discrimination in our society. Rather, it is the unintended consequence of their failure to reform Social Security Disability Insurance ó a program that discourages Americans with disabilities from working. Despite the physical and environmental benefits obtained by the ADA (which created a physical and social environment geared to fully integrate disabled Americans into society) SSDI forces individuals to prove they are unable to work before providing them with the assistance needed to return to work. And even then, many disabled Americans are reluctant to re-engage in work for fear that their health coverage and benefits will be lost if their work efforts fail. It is bad policy, and Congress must reform it.
SSDI reached an enrollment peak of 8.85 million in March 2013. This represents a 21 percent increase since the start of the recession in 2007 and worsens a long-term SSDI growth trend: Since the mid-1980s, the percentage of working-age adults enrolled in SSDI has doubled. Demographic changes account for 56.2 percent of this increase: more women entering the workforce, the growing total population, the aging of the baby boomers, all result in more individuals needing the programís support.
The remaining 43.8 percent consists of individuals who, with different interventions and incentives, might have continued productive employment but are instead discouraged from working by the law of the land.
Instead of receiving accommodation and rehabilitation when it is most effective, immediately after becoming disabled and unable to work, these workers face a slow SSDI approval process that, with appeals, can take years to resolve. By then, the workers are so removed from work that re-entering the workforce becomes an even more daunting task. While SSDI does provide a measure of economic security through income support and health coverage, it canít generate the social and mental-health benefits strongly associated with employment. Those with impairments who continue to work tend to fare better from both a quality of life and financial perspective than those who must rely on SSDI.
SSDIís structural flaws donít help employers solve the problem either. SSDI is currently financed through a flat 3.2 percent payroll tax for companies and their employees. The tax rate is fixed and is not based on how many companiesí employees go onto the SSDI rolls: Regardless of whether 1 percent or 15 percent of company Xís workers enroll in SSDI, company X pays the same tax. As a result, firms are not encouraged to provide the workplace accommodation and rehabilitation to get their employees back to work. It is cheaper for them to help their workers onto SSDI and hire someone to replace them.
Rep. Christopher H. Smith, R-N.J., left, David Goldman, center, and Arvind Chawdra right, attend a news conference in the Rayburn House Office Building on international child abduction. Goldman and Chawdra are fathers whose children were abducted by their mothers and taken abroad.
Each year since 1990, CQ Roll Call has reviewed the financial disclosures of all 541 senators, representatives and delegates to determine the 50 richest members of Congress. This year's report, derived from forms covering the calendar year 2012, shows it took a net worth of $6.67 million to crack the exclusive club.