The Environmental Protection Agency is always looking for ways to expand its power and scope. That’s not exactly news in Washington and not dissimilar to most federal bureaucracies. But unlike many other agencies, the EPA has figured out a way to completely eschew government transparency and circumvent the traditional regulatory process in a way that needlessly spends more taxpayer dollars.
This unconventional tactic, known as “sue and settle,” works when the EPA and a like-minded group, such as the Environmental Working Group, coordinate a lawsuit between each other where there is no aggrieved party. The court then quickly adopts a pre-arranged settlement. In addition to undermining the adversarial litigation process, that settlement paves the way for new regulations that are favored by the environmental groups and the EPA — such as tougher emission standards for fossil fuels.
The deadline to execute the settlement is intentionally short term, which leaves those affected by the new regulation with little opportunity to react. The EPA then implements the new regulation on a rapid timetable and, if questioned, the agency defends its actions as “court-ordered.”
To add insult to injury, taxpayers are required to pay attorneys’ fees for both the government and the environmental group suing the government which turns out to be a “no win” situation for taxpayers or common-sense regulations.
The U.S. Chamber of Commerce and Competitive Enterprise Institute scholar William Yeatman recently shed some light on how the EPA uses the sue and settle regime to advance its political and policy goals. The process and results should alarm every member of Congress.
In 1977, Congress created the Regional Haze amendment to the Clean Water Act to improve visibility and air quality at our federal national parks and wilderness areas. At that time, Congress decided that the Regional Haze program was only for aesthetic value and that states had the right to decide what levels of haze are desirable and how to achieve those levels. The amendment requires that each state create and submit a Regional Haze program proposal to the EPA, and the agency has the authority only to approve or deny the proposal.
In other words, the Regional Haze amendment doesn’t give much power to the EPA to regulate an industry it now wants to kill — coal — in favor of other “cleaner” power sources, like solar and natural gas.
Enter sue and settle.
In July 2011, New Mexico submitted their Regional Haze plan to the EPA, one that went well beyond the EPA’s emission target recommendation for the state. The EPA refused to even consider the plan. The agency was under a strict September 2011 deadline it had just negotiated with WildEarth Guardians after the environmental group sued the EPA for failing to do its “technical and procedural” duties in the state. The EPA had no choice but to implement its own plan, which increased the burden of reducing haze on coal plants.
The EPA has worked this litigation magic, or threatened to do so, in several other states and with several more staged to occur. And each Regional Haze plan that the EPA dictates to those states furthers their not-so-ulterior agenda of killing the coal industry.
Leaders from military and veterans service organizations joined Sens. Roger Wicker, R-Miss., Kelly Ayotte , R-N.H., and Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., at a press conference to urge the Senate to replace a provision in the budget proposal that cuts retirement benefits for veterans. Wicker, Ayotee, and Graham earlier called for a bipartisan solution to replace the $6.3 billion in cuts to military retiree benefits.
Each year since 1990, CQ Roll Call has reviewed the financial disclosures of all 541 senators, representatives and delegates to determine the 50 richest members of Congress. This year's report, derived from forms covering the calendar year 2012, shows it took a net worth of $6.67 million to crack the exclusive club.