Republican Cole, one of Boehner’s most vocal supporters, seeks the political center.
“This isn’t a pickup game of football where you draw the plays in the sand and then go run ’em,” he said. Moments like the defeat of Boehner’s “plan B” bill during the fiscal-cliff debate and the ham-handed failed coup plot against Boehner “suggest that we’re not cohesive enough to run the institution.”
Regarding the failed coup effort, Cole said Boehner’s opponents should have taken him on in closed-door leadership elections held in November, what Cole considers the traditional — and proper — route for such a challenge.
“I guess I’m much more of an Edmund Burke conservative. I believe in organic conservatism and traditions, and I respect them and try to work within them. It doesn’t mean you lose your ability to dissent, but there’s a way to do it,” Cole said. “I’m 92 percent lifetime ACU rating. I’m 100 percent pro-life. A-plus NRA. . . . So, I’d say by any of the traditional standards I look pretty conservative.”
It’s against the backdrop of the fiscal cliff fight that Cole has made some of his boldest forays into the political center.
Early in the standoff with Obama, Cole urged Republicans at a closed-door whip meeting to cave, saying that because the Bush-era tax rates were expiring across the board, standing firm would only hurt the GOP politically and substantively.
“It was never a tax increase vote,” Cole said, because tax rates were scheduled to increase under current law. “I think the guy that knows the most about that is Grover Norquist, and he said it wasn’t a tax increase vote. And, effectively, some of our people were arguing with him. That’s like arguing with the pope over what a sin is.”
Cole said his “drunk uncle” analogy “referred to us not being functional — not playing as a team,” citing the plan B episode as an example. The New Yorker profile featuring the quote described Cole as “the leader of a large faction of House Republicans who believe that the Tea Party-inspired congressmen are dooming the Party,” something his office objected to during the article’s fact-checking, according to his spokeswoman.
In a New York Times article about the Violence Against Women Act, Cole suggested that bigotry was motivating some Republican opponents to provisions in the bill extending criminal jurisdiction to tribal governments that raised thorny constitutional problems.
Cole, a member of the Chickasaw Nation and one of only two Native Americans in the House, told the Times some of his colleagues seem to “fear Indians are going to take out 500 years of mistreatment on us through this. ... It’s that kind of fear, veiled in constitutional theories,” he said.
But Rep. Trey Gowdy, R-S.C., who had disagreed with Cole on the merits of the issue, had nothing but praise for him. “I don’t know if I’ve ever had a fellow member be as gracious in what he said to me after the Rules Committee,” Gowdy said. “He was extraordinarily complimentary of how I handled the constitutional aspects of” VAWA.
From left, Lisa Peng, daughter of Peng Ming, Grace Ge Geng, daughter of Gao Zhisheng, and Ti-Anna Wang, daughter of Wang Bingzhang, hold pictures of their imprisoned fathers during a House Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations hearing in the Rayburn House Office Building titled “Their Daughters Appeal to Beijing: ‘Let Our Fathers Go!’”
Each year since 1990, CQ Roll Call has reviewed the financial disclosures of all 541 senators, representatives and delegates to determine the 50 richest members of Congress. This year's report, derived from forms covering the calendar year 2012, shows it took a net worth of $6.67 million to crack the exclusive club.