By Dick M. Carpenter II, David M. Primo, Pavel Tendetnik and Sandy Ho
Nov. 26, 2012, 7:32 p.m.
Record amounts of money poured into campaign coffers in the 2012 election season. Unbeknownst to many donors, contributions of more than $200 to a federal candidate produced more than just another campaign ad. They also resulted in the disclosure of the donor’s name, address, contribution amount, occupation and employer’s name on the Internet for anyone to see.
For campaign finance overhaul advocates, policies that require such disclosure are brimming with benefits at virtually no cost. But in recent years, critics have begun to question just how costless disclosure actually is, arguing that it chills speech and association once potential donors fully understand the disclosure process.
A lively debate has ensued, almost entirely devoid of real-world evidence, so we saw the current election season as an ideal laboratory for studying how disclosure requirements affect the behavior of potential donors to congressional campaigns. We invited candidates in every race to post the following disclaimer on the contributions page of their campaign website for a period of two weeks in September:
“By making a donation, I understand that my name, the amount of my donation of $200 or more, address, occupation and employer will be made publicly available, including in online searchable databases.”
We planned to examine the contribution patterns before, during and after the two-week period to discern the effect of this disclaimer. But we never had a chance to do so.
Of the almost 1,400 invitations sent, a mere 25 agreed to post the disclaimer; 65 others responded with a clear “no.” The rest never responded, the equivalent of a “no.” Upon receiving a “no” response, we asked for a reason. The results were revealing. One campaign wrote: “Some people might have reservations before giving if the message is there. Although, by law, their information is available to the public, most people do not think about that fact when giving. We don’t want to do anything that will make them think twice before giving.”
The finance director of another campaign expressed concern that the disclaimer would deter even donors who might give less than $200: “I don’t want to hurt donations to our campaign. If someone reads this on our website, they may not give. Even if some of our donors only give $25, they would not cross the $200 threshold requiring reporting, but they would be scared off by the other language.”
Then there was the voice mail left for us by a candidate himself: “It sounds like you are asking me to cut my own throat here and tell my contributors to give no more than $200. I’m having enough trouble just getting $5 out of them.”
Even a candidate who agreed to post the disclaimer confided to us over the phone: “I hope this does not hurt my donations. I wouldn’t want this to spook any of our donors so that they would not contribute.”
From left, Lisa Peng, daughter of Peng Ming, Grace Ge Geng, daughter of Gao Zhisheng, and Ti-Anna Wang, daughter of Wang Bingzhang, hold pictures of their imprisoned fathers during a House Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations hearing in the Rayburn House Office Building titled “Their Daughters Appeal to Beijing: ‘Let Our Fathers Go!’”
Each year since 1990, CQ Roll Call has reviewed the financial disclosures of all 541 senators, representatives and delegates to determine the 50 richest members of Congress. This year's report, derived from forms covering the calendar year 2012, shows it took a net worth of $6.67 million to crack the exclusive club.