Romney is taking a similarly subtle approach to cultivating Members’ support for his White House bid, particularly when compared with his effort four years ago. That strategy included a very public push to garner Capitol Hill endorsements.
However, despite being one of the early leaders among Republican candidates in terms of Member backing, Romney quickly fell out of contention, losing both the Iowa caucuses and the New Hampshire primary. This time around, Romney hasn’t slowed down contributions to Members, but he has moved with a lighter footprint in Washington.
One Republican lobbyist aiding Romney described his Member relations effort at this point as a “miniature whip effort.” The operative said Romney might not score the level of endorsements he did in 2008 but attributed that to Members being less willing to endorse than they were during the previous election.
“But there’s no question that Romney’s the most organized and active in terms of courting Members,” the lobbyist added. Romney’s strategy also includes targeting key Republicans from the early caucus and primary states, as well as Members considered to be among the GOP’s “thought” leaders. For example, someone like Sen. Jim DeMint (S.C.) could be considered an important and influential potential endorsement.
The field hoping to challenge President Barack Obama is taking shape later this cycle than the last, causing many Members to refrain from revealing their favorite ahead of an official candidate announcement. Still, others are pledging to get involved on a very limited basis, with others vowing to remain neutral.
Sen. Orrin Hatch (R-Utah) is among the exceptions, making clear last week that he is committed to Romney and willing to help in any way he can. However, Sen. Richard Burr (R-N.C.) said he would only endorse Sen. John Thune, should the South Dakota Republican get into the race. Thune has said he will announce a decision by month’s end.
Senate Republican Conference Chairman Lamar Alexander (Tenn.) told Roll Call he intends to remain neutral.
“I think we have a number of exceptional candidates,” said Alexander, who ran for president in 1996. “I’m going to step back and give them all a chance to make that decision and try to create an environment in which one of them can win.”
With Washington having fallen out of favor, particularly with the conservative voters who tend to populate Republican primaries, receiving the public endorsement of a Member of Congress might carry less heft than it did in previous cycles.
Still, a Congressman’s backing can give a candidate access to expanded political and fundraising contacts, as well as local, grass-roots infrastructure. Additionally, an endorsement can enhance a candidate’s image in the primary, if, for instance, the backing comes from a Member supported by tea party activists or conservative groups such as the Club for Growth.
Gregg Hartley, vice chairman and chief operating officer of Cassidy & Associates who was a part of the Congressional relations team for the 2000 campaign of then-Texas Gov. George W. Bush, said the key to profiting from an endorsement is using it properly. Rather than unveiling endorsements from Washington, he advised candidates to publicize them locally and with a parochial spin, so voters associate the candidate with the popularity of that Member.
Vice President Joe Biden waits to conduct a mock swearing-in ceremony with Sen. Brian Schatz, D-Hawaii, in the Capitol's Old Senate Chamber, December 2, 2014. Schatz was sworn in to serve the remainder of his term since he was appointed to the seat after Sen. Daniel Inouye, D-Hawaii, passed away.