There was probably the legislative equivalent of high-fives all over Capitol Hill last week, when the Senate followed the House and cleared the Sequestration Transparency Act.
After all, it’s not often these days that any legislation, let alone something dealing with the budget, is approved with overwhelming bipartisan support. And it was indeed both overwhelming and bipartisan: The Senate did the almost unthinkable, passing a budget-related bill by voice vote a week after the House approved it 414-2.
But despite the vote, the bill is anything but a success story. Indeed, it represents so many levels of failure that its eventual enactment (the White House has already indicated the president will sign it and, given the two-thirds support in both Houses, an override would be very likely even if it were vetoed) is anything but a cause for celebration.
The STA corrected an obvious flaw in the Budget Control Act, the law adopted with so much fanfare last August that increased the debt ceiling, created what turned out to be an anything-but-super committee to come up with a deficit reduction plan, and produced the sequestration process if, as ultimately (if not inevitably) happened, the committee failed.
But because of the speed with which the BCA was developed, it didn’t include a requirement that the president reveal in advance which programs would be cut if the sequester occurred. And unlike the situation with the sequesters created by the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings Act in the 1980s, the BCA inadvertently or otherwise gave the president great discretion on how the required spending reductions could be achieved.
The White House wasn’t required to tell anyone before Jan. 2, 2013, and certainly not before the elections, which programs were on the cutting block. That effectively made a deal to prevent the sequester from occurring far more difficult because those who might be affected by the cuts either didn’t know what was coming, couldn’t be sure their preferred program would be hurt or simply assumed it would be protected. As a result, there has been less pressure on Congress and the White House to come up with an alternative to the sequester and prevent the spending reduction part of the fiscal cliff from going into effect.
The fact that the STA was needed means that the legislative process failed. The Budget Control Act was put together at the very last minute, after multiple other efforts had crashed, without the kind of hearings and other reviews that could have made the STA unnecessary. A more deliberative process would have made the decision to not require the president to specify in advance what would be cut intentional rather than inadvertent. That would have made at least the spending cut part of the fiscal cliff less likely and, therefore, would have spared us some of the economic angst of the past few months and the additional heartburn that is still ahead.
Rep. Elijah Cummings, D-Md., right, hugs Harold Schaitberger, General President of the International Association of Fire Fighters, after the Congressman spoke at the IAFF's Legislative Conference General Session at the Hyatt Regency on Capitol Hill, March 9, 2015. The day featured addresses by members of Congress and Vice President Joe Biden.