Hope springs eternal ... but it doesnít summer well. The House Appropriations Committee got off to a flying start this spring, giving rise to hopes that Congress could complete action on all 12 spending bills before Oct. 1 ó a feat not accomplished since 1996. But hope has a way of wilting in the scorching sunshine of a political summer.
The House Appropriations Committee reported eight of its 12 bills before June 1 and passed six of them by the July recess. For the second consecutive year, the House Republican leadership kept its commitment to restore the traditional open amendment process ó something jettisoned by the previous Democratic regime in the last three years of its four-year reign. The downside to the GOPís renewed sunshine policy on amendments, as it learned last year, is that it can be terribly time-consuming and distracting, inviting all manner of small-bite, policy-limitation amendments.
Last year, the House ground through six of the bills in 20 days, consuming 92 hours of floor time involving consideration of 306 amendments. It was the seventh bill, Interior and environment appropriations, that brought matters to a screeching halt July 28 after four days of consideration and disposal of 45 amendments. The House was only two-thirds of the way through reading the Interior bill for amendment when the leadership pulled it. That was the last it was seen alone. Nor did the House get a separate glimpse of the remaining five regular appropriations bills until they were later bundled into two mega-bills in November and December and closed to further amendments.
This year could produce a similar scenario. As of last week, the House had passed seven of the 12 bills, and the Appropriations Committee had reported four of the remaining five. While the Senate has reported all but three of its bills, it has yet to take any of them to the floor. With just this week and next left before the summer recess, it again looks like Congress will return in mid-September with none of its money bills separately enacted by the start of the fiscal year. That means one or more continuing resolutions until an appropriate omnibus can be chartered.
Last year, the excuse for setting aside the regular process was that the budget agreement, tied to the debt limit increase, contained new spending caps that were considerably higher than the House-passed budget. That excuse is still around. The House-adopted fiscal 2013 budget and its subsequent appropriations bills are considerably lower in discretionary spending than the spending ceiling in the Budget Enforcement Act, which the Senate claims is its one and only binding budget.
Moreover, as with last year, the House majority says it makes little sense to move all its bills separately when Senate Democrats arenít moving any of theirs to the floor. Put another way, both chambers have a convenient scapegoat for not finishing their work on time: Itís the other guyís fault. The script may be getting old, but the actors will still mumble their lines with dramatic conviction.
Leaders from military and veterans service organizations joined Sens. Roger Wicker, R-Miss., Kelly Ayotte , R-N.H., and Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., at a press conference to urge the Senate to replace a provision in the budget proposal that cuts retirement benefits for veterans. Wicker, Ayotee, and Graham earlier called for a bipartisan solution to replace the $6.3 billion in cuts to military retiree benefits.
Each year since 1990, CQ Roll Call has reviewed the financial disclosures of all 541 senators, representatives and delegates to determine the 50 richest members of Congress. This year's report, derived from forms covering the calendar year 2012, shows it took a net worth of $6.67 million to crack the exclusive club.