In the weeks since the failure of the Joint Committee on Deficit Reduction, U.S. debt has grown by roughly $40 billion.
At a time of great anxiety about the future of our nation, one thing is painfully clear. Absent Congressional action, our indebtedness will increase inexorably until the point that our society will be forced to change in ways that are neither gradual nor graceful.
In both its creation and ultimate demise, the super committee offers useful insights that Congressional leadership must consider in the months ahead. Formally named the Joint Select Committee on Deficit Reduction, the nickname “super committee” was coined because the 12 participants were endowed with legislative “superpowers.”
Unlike the regular Congress that bogs itself down with intractable obstacles, the dynamic dozen was assured that any consensus would receive a speedy vote in both chambers, with success determined by simple majorities. Next, the super committee was created with the expectation that Democrats and Republicans would rely on a shared expert staff and actually spend time together negotiating in good faith. Finally, the super committee was engendered with a consequence for failure via the dastardly sequester.
As we all know, even with these advantages, the super committee was not up to the task. While views differ over whether committee members were picked from diverse factions to craft a politically viable solution or defend party-line positions, many members engaged in detailed negotiation and advanced serious proposals. When Congress ultimately confronts our debt crisis, many of the key agreements will reflect the work of the super committee.
When diagnosing the super committee’s failure, much attention has been given to the challenges of electoral partisanship and base-driven ideological discord. To varying degrees, these challenges are embedded in our democracy and not likely to change anytime soon.
However, there is another more mundane and curable factor that undermined the super committee’s chances: 98 percent of the Congress, including numerous committee chairmen, did not want to be left out of the action. It is one thing to uniquely empower a special committee to circumvent the parochial imperatives of every Member to oppose closing military bases in their districts. It is completely different to delegate the future of the country to just 2 percent of the Congress, a group lacking the infrastructure, procedures and time to craft a comprehensive solution.
There is a better approach. Congressional leadership has the complete authority to create a super Congress with the heroic traits commonly attributed to the greatest democracy in the world — a process that enables forceful and substantive disagreements to yield functional solutions.
The keys to unlocking a fiscal solution are well-known. Congress must generate bipartisan support to reform Medicare and tax policy in ways that gradually reduce spending and increase revenue. As demonstrated by the Bowles-Simpson and Bipartisan Policy Center’s Domenici-Rivlin efforts, these solutions require thoughtful design and collaboration without violating our social contract or affronting the core incentives to compete, strive and innovate that are fundamental to our values and economic strength.
From left, Lisa Peng, daughter of Peng Ming, Grace Ge Geng, daughter of Gao Zhisheng, and Ti-Anna Wang, daughter of Wang Bingzhang, hold pictures of their imprisoned fathers during a House Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations hearing in the Rayburn House Office Building titled “Their Daughters Appeal to Beijing: ‘Let Our Fathers Go!’”
Each year since 1990, CQ Roll Call has reviewed the financial disclosures of all 541 senators, representatives and delegates to determine the 50 richest members of Congress. This year's report, derived from forms covering the calendar year 2012, shows it took a net worth of $6.67 million to crack the exclusive club.