House Appropriations Chairman Hal Rogers (left) has left negotiations with the Senate over a minibus to his panels subcommittee leaders.
“The debt ceiling bill established a new procedure for disaster relief, a rolling 10-year average. We’ll stay within that cap,” Rogers said.
But conservatives chafe at that answer.
“The concern [RSC members] have is that NO ONE during the [Budget Control Act] developments and decisions mentioned that disaster aid would be above the cap. Also, a cap is a cap, not a floor. Why is it so seemingly out of bounds to presume that we wouldn’t spend exactly what the cap is — that we might spend less?” a senior GOP aide emailed to Roll Call.
Latham hinted at how the impasse might be resolved: by utilizing Democratic votes to bypass the conservatives’ complaints. “I think we can get bipartisan support for the package,” he said.
Another big flash point is over Senate minibus language sponsored by Sens. Johnny Isakson (R-Ga.) and Bob Menendez (D-N.J.) that would raise the limit on mortgage sizes Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac can guarantee to $729,750 from the current maximum of $625,500. The limits were raised in 2008 in response to the financial crisis but expired at the end of September.
Proponents of raising the limit say it will bolster the housing market and help revive the economy. Opponents say it’s a subsidy for millionaires to buy expensive vacation homes.
Rep. John Campbell (R-Calif.) has made a cause of raising the limit, telling Roll Call that housing prices will “crater, and it’ll be our fault” if it’s not done.
Rep. Scott Garrett (R-N.J.) opposes the measure just as fiercely.
“We are not talking about first-time homebuyers here,” he said. “If you’re talking about a $700,000 loan, you’re talking about buying a $1 million house. This is just a case of saying, ‘Should the average American be supporting, basically, millionaires?’”
Campbell voted in September against the continuing resolution when it failed on the House floor, protesting the absence of the provision to raise the limit. That earned him an audience with Boehner, an opponent of raising the limit, and Majority Leader Eric Cantor (R-Va.). Campbell supported the next CR, helping it pass the House.
“There was some back and forth about it,” he said about the meeting. “But I don’t know what they’re going to do or not.”
Meanwhile, at an RSC meeting Oct. 26, the issue blew up again. Campbell and Garrett went after each other over the topic. “It was intense,” said one person who was in the room.
RSC Chairman Jim Jordan (Ohio) eventually had to intervene.
“Jordan had to say, ‘Hey, we’ve got other things to talk about.’ We were clearly going to debate this for the next hour if he’d let us,” Campbell said.
Garrett was lobbying Latham on Friday when the two walked off the House floor.
“I make my case, and I think they’ll work it through with leadership,” he said.
There are other issues. House and Senate leaders could add as many as two bills to the minibus to expedite the appropriations process. The Homeland Security and legislative branch appropriations bills are candidates.
But, overall, most Members and staff are optimistic that the conference is closer to regular order than has been the case in recent years.
Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand, D-N.Y., speaks with reporters following a vote in the Senate. Gillibrand’s proposal to remove military commanders from the process of reviewing sexual-assault cases was left out of the bicameral deal on the defense authorization bill, but the senator is pushing for a vote on her plan soon.
Each year since 1990, CQ Roll Call has reviewed the financial disclosures of all 541 senators, representatives and delegates to determine the 50 richest members of Congress. This year's report, derived from forms covering the calendar year 2012, shows it took a net worth of $6.67 million to crack the exclusive club.