Davis lamented that while state officials asked the Congressional delegation to fund the legal defense of the new map, Members would not get a say in which attorneys handled the case.
“We also feel that we need to have some input into the selection of attorneys that the attorney general will bring onboard to be our representatives or to represent the state as experts in the area,” Davis said. “I think there’s some question in relationship to the Voting Rights Act, and we want to make sure we are in sync with it.”
Some Illinois Democrats speculated Jackson’s frustration over the new map could be a product of his own political predicament. His new Congressional district on Chicago’s South Side includes new urban and exurban territory.
Former Rep. Debbie Halvorson (D), who served one term and was defeated in 2010, expressed interest recently in challenging Jackson. Halvorson and Jackson have a long history of being at odds with each other, and their relationship is notoriously acrimonious.
In the past few weeks, Jackson has reached out to local Hispanic leaders and other concerned parties about minority representation under the new map. He emphasized he had not made a decision about what to do going forward because his “research is ongoing.”
“What I have done is talked to the Congressional Research Service,” he said. “I’ve talked to a number of Latino leaders on the ground in Chicago. I’ve spent a considerable amount of time following up on that which Mr. Rush and Mr. Davis asked me to do. I have some serious concerns about Section 2.”
Section 2 of the Voting Right Act of 1965 prohibits voting practices or procedures that discriminate based on race, color or membership. It’s used frequently as an argument in redistricting lawsuits when one party does not believe the map accurately gives minority groups voting representation.
The Hispanic population in Illinois is greater than the black population. But the map drawn by Illinois Democrats creates three districts with a black voting-age population of more than 50 percent and one district with a Hispanic voting-age population of almost 66 percent. The district with the Hispanic super majority was drawn for Rep. Luis Gutierrez (D).
However, Jackson appears to be nationalizing his cause to ensure new maps drawn this cycle adhere to Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act.
Earlier this month, Jackson penned a letter to President Barack Obama. He described his worry that the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division wasn’t fulfilling its enforcement of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act.
“I am concerned, however, that your administration’s early pledge to rebuild and refocus the Justice Department’s commitment has, in my judgement, fallen short of this goal,” Jackson wrote on Sept. 6, according to a copy of the letter supplied by Jackson’s office.
He accused the Democratic-led Justice Department of having a worse track record of raising Section 2 claims than the same department under President George W. Bush.
“It is critical that Justice provide leadership in Section 2 enforcement and argue for minority coalition districts,” he wrote.
On January 3, Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand, D-N.Y., raises her right hand as her son Henry messes up her hair while Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr., delivers the ceremonial swearing-in in the Old Senate Chamber. Gillibrand's other son Theodore, lower right, looks on.
Each year since 1990, CQ Roll Call has reviewed the financial disclosures of all 541 senators, representatives and delegates to determine the 50 richest members of Congress. This year's report, derived from forms covering the calendar year 2012, shows it took a net worth of $6.67 million to crack the exclusive club.