Frustrated by what they said was the California Democrat’s barrage of demands that they give up their free time to volunteer for her campaign, they did what most Hill staff are loath to do: They complained about the boss — to the press and to the Ethics Committee.
Bad behavior by Members of Congress hardly raises an eyebrow in Washington, D.C., anymore. But on Capitol Hill, where current and former staffers describe a culture of extreme loyalty, it’s still unusual for them to blow the whistle.
If Capitol Hill staffers had an insignia, it might very well be slugged “loyalty above all.”
“It absolutely is the quality most valued by lawmakers,” one former House staffer says. “The proximity to a Member is so close, and you’re seeing them at their best, at their worst, when they’re exhausted, when you’re exhausted — they do not want to have to guard themselves, so they surround themselves with people they trust.”
Recently, some staffers have turned on their bosses. Ron Carey, former chief of staff to Rep. Michele Bachmann, penned an opinion piece last week declaring the Minnesota Republican unfit for the presidency. And staffer complaints have ultimately led to the downfalls of lawmakers such as former Rep. Eric Massa (D-N.Y.).
But current and former staffers say those cases are exceptions to the rule.
“There’s essentially no upside to calling out the boss, but plenty of downside,” says Meredith Persily Lamel, a management consultant who works with Congressional offices. “The only upside is being able to sleep at night.”
The unwillingness of staffers to speak up about Members’ bad behavior — violations of ethics rules, sexual harassment, a drinking problem or even just ill temper — is built in to the system. Staff members’ jobs depend on their boss’s viability. When a Member is well-regarded, so is his staff. Conversely, the stain of a scandal often spreads from a lawmaker to his employees.
“In one way or another, we’re all beholden to our bosses,” one Senate staffer says.
And many say a staffer who rats out the boss would find it difficult to land another job.
“That would poison you for employment with anyone else. Period,” another former House staffer says.
Lamel says the threat of retribution harms the institution.
“Staffers who do that responsibly should be thought of highly and given opportunities,” she says. “It’s unfortunate that that’s not the attitude.”
Aides on Capitol Hill are unlikely candidates for turning on the boss. Many make relatively little money. They’re young, ambitious and eager to please their superiors.
From left, Lisa Peng, daughter of Peng Ming, Grace Ge Geng, daughter of Gao Zhisheng, and Ti-Anna Wang, daughter of Wang Bingzhang, hold pictures of their imprisoned fathers during a House Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations hearing in the Rayburn House Office Building titled “Their Daughters Appeal to Beijing: ‘Let Our Fathers Go!’”
Each year since 1990, CQ Roll Call has reviewed the financial disclosures of all 541 senators, representatives and delegates to determine the 50 richest members of Congress. This year's report, derived from forms covering the calendar year 2012, shows it took a net worth of $6.67 million to crack the exclusive club.