I was sorely tempted to devote this week’s Fiscal Fitness to what happened in the 1970s when some very well-intentioned people tried to implement an Etch-A-Sketch federal budget process called zero-based budgeting.
ZBB, the concept that failed so ignominiously during the Carter administration, really is nothing more than asking every department and agency to wipe the fiscal slate clean every year and start over.
That makes it remarkably similar to what one of the senior campaign advisers to former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney last week said the GOP presidential nominee hopeful would do once the general election began. It was a great setup for a column, but I decided to resist the urge.
I also resisted what by the end of the week had become an increasingly strong desire to dissect the fiscal 2013 budget resolution proposed by Rep. Paul Ryan (R-Wis.). The gravitational pull of that story became exceptionally hard to fight when two House Budget Committee Republicans opposed the plan put forth by their own chairman and the proposal was approved by only a one-vote margin.
I decided, however, not only that the many analyses of the Ryan plan done by the end of last week provided all the needed detail but also that there had already been more written and said about it than was required. As I said about the fiscal 2013 budget submitted by the White House in February, the Ryan plan is nothing more than a GOP election-year campaign document. Even if it’s approved by the full House this week, the Ryan budget is going nowhere. In other words, why bother?
But if the Ryan plan itself isn’t column-worthy, there is one thing about the debate surrounding it that definitely deserves to be mentioned.
Many of the plan’s supporters talked almost reverentially about a federal budget myth that should have been debunked a long time ago: the need to get the government back to historical averages on spending and revenues.
What was spent and collected during a period in American history may be interesting, but it’s totally irrelevant to the budget debate that needs to take place today. Never mind that average spending and revenues by definition are what happened in the past. The calculation is nothing more than a mathematical depiction of how the government responded to national needs that almost certainly were different than they are today, and they’re certainly different from those that will exist during the next 10 years. It says nothing about what should be done now and provides no guidance on what federal spending and revenues need to be to deal with what’s ahead.
Using historical averages as guidance also assumes there is a scientifically determined standard, even though nothing like that has ever been determined. Looking at the federal budget is not the same as measuring blood pressure. As much as those using the averages want everyone to believe, there is no federal spending and revenue equivalent of a 120/80 textbook normal.
In addition, given demographic changes and one-time events such as wars, natural disasters and tech bubbles, spending and revenue averages can easily be manipulated to prove whatever you want.
Three examples show how silly the we-have-to-return-to-historical-averages position is when it comes to the federal budget.
Rep. Elijah Cummings, D-Md., right, hugs Harold Schaitberger, General President of the International Association of Fire Fighters, after the Congressman spoke at the IAFF's Legislative Conference General Session at the Hyatt Regency on Capitol Hill, March 9, 2015. The day featured addresses by members of Congress and Vice President Joe Biden.