Although Congressional Republicans have united around one goal — defeating President Barack Obama — they're suddenly finding themselves with ample time to wage a political campaign against the president but no clear leader around whom to build that attack.
Just two months ago, Hill Republicans were operating under the assumption that former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney would be the presumptive nominee in the early weeks of 2012. Since then, Romney has faltered in key primary states, and the Congressional GOP has staked out several positions of its own — from backing off a key demand to fully pay for a payroll tax cut to homing in on a religious debate around the Obama administration's contraception policy.
With very few major legislative battles left to fill the C-SPAN hours between now and November, both parties are looking to test their agendas in a cycle defined as a referendum on Obama. But aides of both parties concede that task is not as simple as it would be if the outcome of the GOP presidential race were more certain.
"Absolutely," one Republican aide said about whether having a nominee makes a difference in strategy. "Once you're able to pull House campaigns, Senate campaigns and national campaigns together as much as possible, that's obviously going to better serve the overall case for the party."
Both parties have been gearing up their messaging operations. Republicans believe that regardless of who their nominee is — or how long it takes to choose him — they can present a strong case against Obama. And with Democrats planning their strategy around the president's State of the Union address, the GOP certainly will get a chance at it.
Leadership aides say Democrats during the next few months will look to move on Obama's manufacturing plan, including increased tax breaks for companies who bring back jobs domestically, his tuition relief proposals to lower interest rates on student loans and tax extender provisions that have expired. But they might not have a GOP presidential nominee to cast as their foil for those debates.
Meanwhile, Republicans say they will focus on tax code reform and rolling back the more than $500 billion in defense cuts triggered by the failure of last fall's Joint Committee on Deficit Reduction. A campaign against the massive defense cuts, criticized even by Obama's own Defense secretary, Leon Panetta, could play well for the GOP in swing states such as North Carolina and Virginia, home to many military bases and manufacturing companies that deal with defense.
All the while, there are still a few bills Republicans and Democrats hope will clear Congress before the campaign season gets into full swing, including a cybersecurity bill, U.S. Postal Service reform, a transportation bill and appropriations bills to fund the government for the next fiscal year.
But outside of appropriations, nothing rises to the level of "must pass." After all, Congress already dealt with the debt limit, the payroll tax cut, a fix for Medicare reimbursement for doctors and the top-line cap on spending for the year.
And if gridlock ensues on spending bills, Congress could always pass a continuing resolution to keep the government funded until an inevitable lame-duck session after the elections. A lame-duck session is already being eyed by leaders for consideration of how or whether to extend Bush-era tax breaks.
Rep. Christopher H. Smith, R-N.J., left, David Goldman, center, and Arvind Chawdra right, attend a news conference in the Rayburn House Office Building on international child abduction. Goldman and Chawdra are fathers whose children were abducted by their mothers and taken abroad.
Each year since 1990, CQ Roll Call has reviewed the financial disclosures of all 541 senators, representatives and delegates to determine the 50 richest members of Congress. This year's report, derived from forms covering the calendar year 2012, shows it took a net worth of $6.67 million to crack the exclusive club.