I have been writing about campaigns and elections for more than three decades, but some of the people who comment about my work still donít seem to have a clue what I do.
Iím quite certain that some who talk about politics like the prognosticator or pundit label. Iím not one of them. Hereís a bulletin: I donít predict the future. I donít try to predict the future. If you can predict it, Iím impressed. Congratulations.
So what do I do, especially when it comes to elections? I interview and evaluate candidates, offering projections about the future based on the existing data ópolls, fundraising numbers, candidate comments and other pieces of information obtained through reporting.
Of course I make certain near-term assumptions about the future ó about public opinion and the economy, for example ó but throughout an election cycle, I emphasize that projections are likely to change as circumstances evolve.
And I always leave room for late developments in a cycle, which is why I donít ďcallĒ a flip of the House or the Senate six, 12 or 18 months before an election. Iím not trying to be the first to ďpredictĒ whoíll control the House or Senate in a competitive cycle.
Since my analysis is data-driven, I want to see what the late data show ó the last-minute polls, the final media buys, late interviews that I have with candidates ó before offering my final projections on the most likely House and Senate outcomes.
Given this, Iíve always seen what I do as handicapping, not predicting. For as we all know, long shots win in both horse racing and politics.
All of this seems pretty obvious to me, but I figured I had better be explicit about what I do after reading that I ďpredictedĒ in an April 2009 column that Republicans would not win the House in 2010.
When I wrote my April 23, 2009, column, just three months after President Barack Obamaís inauguration, the data clearly indicated that Republicans had no chance of winning back the House.
As I wrote in that column, the GOP needed a political wave to develop for that to happen, and in April 2009 there were no signs of a wave developing. None. Zero. Zilch. In fact, at that time, public sentiment about the future (specifically about the direction of the country) was improving.
The presidentís job approval sat at about 60 percent, the Democratic brand was far better than the Republican brand, and Democrats had recently won a special election in New York state that reflected continuing GOP problems.
I realize that if you are a partisan, you donít need signs of a wave to see one with absolute certainty. You only need faith, and thatís something that devoted ideologues of the right and the left have in abundance. Iím not opposed to faith when it involves religion, but faith plays no part in my political analysis (or in any political or electoral analysis of any value).
Of course, my assessment didnít mean that Republicans would never win back the House. But circumstances needed to change ó the data would need to change ó for that to happen.
Terri Henderson, 6, center, whose mother is El Salvador, attends a rally with members of Congress at Union Station's Columbus Circle to announce the Restore Opportunity, Strengthen, and Improve the Economy (ROSIE) Act on July 29, 2014. The legislation provides incentives for government contractors to pay a living wage and other benefits that would help low-income workers.