While Obama sought to cut the deficit in half in four years, Conrad proposed a two-thirds deficit cut over five years. But to create the numbers that he wanted, Conrad had to eliminate much of Obamas plan for honest budgeting, including a $10 billion set-aside for disaster assistance as well as an assumption that some tax policies will not actually expire. The gambit on disaster funding, in particular, seemed ironic given that his state is experiencing severe flooding, and that Conrad was among those asking Obama for emergency disaster relief.
There are certainly Members who disagree with me and who have expressed that disagreement, but I think people know ... I speak from real belief, Conrad said. I think weve done a good job of keeping the presidents key priorities intact, but weve made adjustments that were required because we had $2.3 trillion less in revenue to write a budget than [Obama] did.
Conrad also declined to wall off money for climate change and health care reforms as Obama did, and instead wrote a budget that will force Democrats to find offsets for the potentially massive new spending programs.
Some Senate Democrats said Conrad dealt with the discrepancies badly because he seemed to criticize the presidents budget as irresponsible rather than stressing the similarities between Capitol Hill Democrats and the White Houses plans.
At the end of the day, the presidents priorities will be taken care of ... but on the way to getting there, there were a lot of people who wanted to look like budget hawks, one Senate Democratic aide said.
Plus, Conrad generated ire within his own party by not sharing some of his cuts to Obamas budget with leadership until late in the process, which led to a delay in the partys public relations strategy and attention on the split between the White House and Congress, aides said.
The decisions about those things were not shared in a way that would allow the party to weave a narrative about why Congress budget was different from Obamas, another Senate Democratic aide said. The way it was done, it was created a whole lot of stories about Democrats in disarray or Democrats at odds.
For example, Conrad did not give Democratic leaders a sufficient heads-up about his decision to save money in his budget by eliminating the disaster-relief reserve or on his plan to write a five-year budget rather than a 10-year plan as Obama did. Those decisions and others opened up the Democrats to attacks from Republicans that they were using budget gimmicks to make the fiscal picture appear rosier.
Ultimately, Obama came to the Senate himself to remind his former colleagues that their political fortunes were intertwined and that they needed to keep the message wars to a minimum. Aides said last weeks Obama visit worked to unify the party and bring people like Conrad back on message.
Still, Conrad has plenty of defenders, who said he threaded the needle as best as he could under the circumstances.
On January 3, Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand, D-N.Y., raises her right hand as her son Henry messes up her hair while Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr., delivers the ceremonial swearing-in in the Old Senate Chamber. Gillibrand's other son Theodore, lower right, looks on.
Each year since 1990, CQ Roll Call has reviewed the financial disclosures of all 541 senators, representatives and delegates to determine the 50 richest members of Congress. This year's report, derived from forms covering the calendar year 2012, shows it took a net worth of $6.67 million to crack the exclusive club.