Itís the end of February, still more than eight months before Novemberís midterm elections. Thatís an eternity in politics, and itís one reason why Republicans remain optimistic that they can turn public opinion more in their favor than it is now.
But on issue after issue, public opinion seems to have solidified against President Bush, and there is shrinking reason to believe that Bushís standing will improve before November.
That means GOP prospects for holding the House and avoiding an electoral bath depend almost entirely on localizing elections. Given the publicís unambiguous dissatisfaction with the president, Congress and the direction of the country, that, too, seems increasingly unlikely.
Just when you think Bush has an opportunity to turn things around, another issue surfaces to pose a problem for the White House and the GOP. If Vice President Cheney isnít shooting somebody, a foreign corporation based in the Middle East is taking over management of the nationís port facilities.
Of course, neither of these events are all that newsworthy: The Cheney incident was a media process story and the port facilities issue is less a story about U.S. security or the war against terrorism and more of a drummed-up controversy created by politicians to score political points and, in turn, mined by cable news networks to draw viewers. But both caught the mediaís attention and put the White House on the defensive.
Polling tells a sad story for the GOP. Bushís job rating is in the low 40s, and the public is equally unhappy about the presidentís handling of Iraq, health care, immigration, taxes, the federal budget deficit and the economy ó even though the U.S. economy is in relatively good shape.
Even Bushís handling of the terrorism issue has plunged, despite the fact that we havenít seen a development so dramatic that it would automatically cause his credibility on the issue to tank.
People arenít making significant distinctions between Bushís performance on various issues, which makes it more difficult for the White House to change public attitudes on any single measure of Bushís job performance.
Americans, or at least many Americans, now assume the worst about the president. They interpret events through the lens of pessimism. Good news, such as the state of the economy, is not appreciated, and bad news is not merely bad, itís catastrophic.
So, for Bush, this public mood is disastrous since it means that Americans are not in any mood to receive good news or re-evaluate their hardening assumptions about the current administration or the GOP.
All of this has ominous ramifications for the GOP in the fall. While National Republican Congressional Committee Chairman Tom Reynolds (N.Y.) continues to insist that Republicans will do well because they know how to run good campaigns and have demonstrated their ability to localize elections, you need to go back at least to 1982 to find an environment that is close to as bad as the current one for the GOP.
ďBlocking and tacklingĒ ó a phrase Reynolds likes to use to describe the fundamentals of campaigns ó may well produce victories in a neutral political environment or a favorable one, but it canít stop a wave. Thatís what makes waves different from other elections. Candidates win because of their party label, even though they havenít raised enough money or run good enough campaigns.
Of course, we donít yet know how big the Democratic wave will be in November. And actually, Iím convinced that current ballot test numbers understate Republican strength at the moment.
For example, while a recent poll in Kentuckyís 4th district by the Democratic firm Cooper & Secrest shows incumbent Geoff Davis (R) trailing former Rep. Ken Lucas (D) by 10 points in a ballot test, Iím betting that when voters start to focus on November, Republican numbers will inch up at least a few points, as partisan juices start to boil.
Still, it looks increasingly unlikely that Republicans can alter the publicís overall mood, barring a dramatic event, such as the capture or death of Osama bin Laden or Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, the Jordanian terrorist who has become a top American target. Only a truly dramatic event is likely to force Americans to reassess their view of the president and of the nationís direction.
And remember, not all dramatic events work toward the presidentís advantage. Hurricane Katrina was not only a botched government response but a huge missed opportunity for the Bush administration to rally the country around a cause and re-establish some trust with the American people.
The situation in Iraq doesnít seem likely to improve enough between now and November to help the presidentís standing, and Congress isnít likely to do anything significant enough to change the public mood. Barring a dramatic event that no one can now predict ó and unexpected things do seem to happen just when you donít expect them ó what you see now in the way of mood is pretty much what you can expect in the fall.
Each year since 1990, CQ Roll Call has reviewed the financial disclosures of all 541 senators, representatives and delegates to determine the 50 richest members of Congress. This year's report, derived from forms covering the calendar year 2012, shows it took a net worth of $6.67 million to crack the exclusive club.